Skip to main content

Full text of "Winthrop's journal : "History of New England", 1630-1649"

See other formats


J: \ .'),:: r . 








General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D, 



1630 — 1649 
Volume II 


m.^ WHOLE i^^ 


^^ FaithfuUj "^^ 

f JL TRANSLATED into ENGLISH f4.2». . 

[^r^ W^ereunto IS prefixed a d'ifcourfcde- "^t^ 
'^jQchring not only che lawfuilnesj butalfopj^cji 
^f^ theneceffityoftHcheivenly Ordinance ^iS\ 

\ y^ ^ cffir^ing scripture Pfalmes in ^^L*' 

Vm''^ f he Churches of 'ej*^^ 

:V God* r^f^ 

■ii A 


.*)(^ C^//. sir. -j^jl^ 

, , ' j'^'iitj ?» «s// iptfdeme^ te Aching ^nd exhort-. r~ \\A 

;^n »^^g one amther in Vfdimes^ H?mm$^ and ^\\^ 

■(1 ^v: ej Imprtfitcd <*1^«> 


From a copy of the original in the New York Public Library 

(Lenox Building) 










NEW YORK 1908 



Published June, 1908 





For the opportunity to reproduce the title-page of the "Bay 
Psalm-Book" we are indebted to Mr. Wilberforce Eames of the 
Lenox Library. This book of psalms, translated by various of the 
Massachusetts clergy, chiefly by Richard Mather, Thomas Welde 
and John Eliot, was the first book issued from the Cambridge Press 
set up by Stephen Daye in 1639; indeed, it was the first book printed 
in America north of Mexico. It superseded the version of Sternhold 
and Hopkins hitherto used at the Bay. Plymouth continued as 
before to use the psalm-book of Henry Ainsworth. The "Bay 
Psalm-Book" is exceedingly rare; only four perfect copies are known, 
only ten copies in all. 

The second illustration is a facsimile of the first page of the 
memorable New England Confederation of 1643. It seems not to 
have been photographed before. Two manuscripts are in existence: 
one in the Connecticut State Library, the other in the oflSce of the 
Register of Deeds for Plymouth County, at Plymouth. It is the 
former which, by the kind consent of the State Librarian, Mr. George 
S. Godard, is reproduced in this volume. The document, which is 
in a fine state of preservation, is a manuscript of four pages, each of 
about 16 by 13 inches in size, and bears date Plymouth, September 5, 

The last facsimile is of two pages from An Almanack for 1649, by 
Samuel Danforth, printed at Cambridge in 1649. The first almanac 
printed in the colonies was that for 1639, printed in that year by 
Stephen Daye, the second product of the Cambridge Press (the first 
was the freemen's oath). No copy is known to be extant of any 
issue before 1646. All the earlier issues exist in single copies only; 
that here reproduced is preserved in the Lenox Library. The 




"Chronological Table" here shown may be taken as representing 
the average man's conception as to what had been the most 
important and memorable events of New England history in the 
period covered by these two volumes of the Journal of Governor 

John Winthrop. 

J. F. J. 



Edited by James Kendall Hosmer 


Dudley elected Governor; Gift to Winthrop 

Lynn Planters, Dissatisfied, go to Long Island . 

Difficulties with the Dutch .... 

Rumors of Treachery on the Part of Miantonomo 

Arrival of Thomas Gorges at Agamenticus 

God's Providence shown in Explosion on Board the Mary Rose 

Enmity shown by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and John Mason 

Remorse and Confession of Captain John Underhill . 

Visit to Boston of Miantonomo 

Boundary settled between Massachusetts and Plymouth . 
The Book of Common Prayer devoured by Mice 


Settlement of Trouble in the Church of Dorchester . 

New Meeting House in Boston 

Public Spirit of Rev. Hugh Peter ..... 
Peter, Welde and Hibbins sent to England as Colonial Agents 
Troubles of Rev. Hanserd Knollys and Rev. Thomas Larkham 
Richard Bellingham elected Governor .... 
Action of Long Parliament stays Emigration to New England 
Departure of Peter, Welde, Hibbins and John Winthrop, Jr. 
Disputes between Connecticut and the Dutch . 
Providence Island, in the Caribbean, captured by the Spaniards 
Democratic Spirit shown at the Election of Bellingham 
Proprietors at Piscataqua offer to come under Massachusetts 
New Heresies of Mrs. Hutchinson and Friends at Aquidneck 

John Underhill gives Trouble 

Parliament confirms the Patent 

















LaTour makes Overtures for an Alliance 43 

Bellingham's Peculiar Marriage 44 

God's Judgment on the Crew of the Charles for Working on the Lord's Day 45 

Trouble with Bellingham 46 

The "Body of Liberties" established 48 

Rev. John Cotton opposes William Hathorne 49 


Samuel Gorton at Providence 

Turner, of Charlestown, drowns himself under Conviction of Sin 
New Haven helped at Delaware by a Penitent Pequot 

Underbill departs for the Dutch 

Winthrop elected Governor 

Saltonstall calls in Question the Standing Council 
Rev. Richard Gibson, from the Church of England, makes Trouble 
Darby Field, First of White Men, ascends White Mountains 
Dispute over Sow between Capt. Keayne and Mistress Sherman 
Edward Bendall raises the Mary Rose by means of Diving-Bell 
Some of the Elders give Advice to Concord .... 
Wequash Cook, Indian Preacher, dies very comfortably . 
Cotton, Hooker and Davenport invited to Westminster Assembly 
Applications for Ministers from Virginia and Barbadoes . 
News from Connecticut of Hostile Indian Alliance . 
Cutshamekin, Passaconaway and Miantonomo are disarmed 

Miantonomo questioned 

Four Planters of Providence seek to come under Massachusetts 
Discouragement; God's Judgment on Traducers of New England 

Nine Bachelors commence at Cambridge 

Messengers arrive from LaTour 

The White Mountains further explored 

The Elders consider Saltonstall's Book on the Standing Council 

Merchants Trading with LaTour threatened by d'Aulnay 

Sin of Rev. Thomas Larkham of Dover 



News out of England causes Appointment of Days of Humiliation . . 91 

Excessive Rain, Pigeons and Mice, causing Scarcity 92 

Insanity of Mistress Onion, of Roxbury 93 

Experiences of the Ministers who went to Virginia 94 

War between Dutch and Indians; Roger Williams a Peace-maker . . 95 

Parliament thanked for a Great Favor 97 

A Confederation of the Colonies effected 98 

Text of the Articles of Confederation 100 

Arrival of LaTour with a Powerful Ship 105 

Professing Friendship and seeking Alliance, he is Hospitably received . 106 

Disapproval and Defence of the Favor shown him 108 


The "Sow Business" and the Magistrates' Negative .... 

Two Sachems desire to be received under Massachusetts Government 

Text of the Agreement with the Sachems . 

Capt. Carman's Fight with a Turkish Ship described 

CompHcations with LaTour and d'Aulnay . 

LaTour charters Boston Ships and departs 

War between Uncas and Miantonomo 

Dutch complain of Connecticut's Encroachment 

Miantonomo captured by Uncas .... 

Miantonomo slain ....... 

Return of Ships chartered by LaTour 

Mrs. Hutchinson and her Family killed by Indians near Manhattan 

Assembly of Elders at Cambridge disapproves the Presbyterian Way 

Gorton and Followers arrested and imprisoned in Boston . 

Commissioners of the United Colonies remonstrate with the Swedes 

Gorton and his Men Examined, dealt with, and characterized . 

A Ship of the Earl of Warwick promotes Disorder . . . , 


A Pinnace blown up, showing God's Judgment on profane Men 

Return of Thomas Morton, an Ill-wisher and Traducer 

Consultation as to Maintaining the Castle . 

Overtures from Cutshamekin and other Sachems 

Fortunes of the Plough Patent or Lygonia 

Uneasiness about the Defenceless Castle 

Letters from the Dutch denying ill Treatment of English 

The Sad Case of Mary Latham 

The Legislature becomes Bi-cameral .... 

The Banishment of Rev. John Wheelwright rescinded 

Canonicus and Pessacus purpose to war against Uncas 

John Endicott elected Governor; Messengers sent to the Narragansetts 

The Magistrates foil a plot of the Essex Deputies 

Pumham asks aid against the Narragansetts 

Dispute between Magistrates and Deputies as to the Vacancy 

Simon Bradstreet and William Hathorne unwisely chosen Commissioners 

Deputies refuse Powder to Plymouth and Aquidneck ... 

Increase of Anabaptistry in spite of Penalty of Banishment 

LaTour arrives to ask for Aid against d'Aulnay .... 

Trouble in the Hampton Church over Rev. Mr. Batchellor 

D'Aulnay at Penobscot robbed by Englishmen from Maine 

English Vessel at Delaware turned back by the Dutch and Swedes . 

A Letter, not Conciliatory, sent to d'Aulnay 

Captain Stagg seizes a Bristol Ship in Boston Harbor 

One Franklin executed for Murder of an Indentured Child 

Endicott bewails Jarrings between Magistrates and Deputies 

An Over-zealous Constable causes International Misunderstanding . 

LaTour sails from Boston with Honors; Thomas Morton dealt with 



Arrival of the Lady LaTour causes more Complications .... 197 

Roger Williams arrives with Friendly Letter from Men in Power . . 198 

Awkward Complication as to a Ship from Dartmouth .... 199 

A Supposed Friar arrives with a Message from d'Aulnay .... 201 

Peace arranged between the Mohegans and Narragansetts . . . 204 

More Trouble with LaTour 204 

Lady LaTour departs 206 

Power and Mercy of God shown in Recovery of Children . . . 209 
General Court and Elders settle Powers of Magistrates, etc. . . .211 

Winthrop and Deputies differ 217 

Saltonstall tries to resign 218 


The Colony Powder destroyed, wherein is a Special Providence . . 220 

The Church at Exeter admonished 221 

An Advisory Commission appointed in England 222 

John Winthrop, jr., establishes Iron- works 222 

Public Schools established; Support for the College 224 

Mistress Hopkins of Hartford goes Insane through Studies . . . 225 

More Trouble with LaTour and d'Aulnay 225 

Deputies arrogate the Right to choose Preacher at Election . . . 226 

War in England diminishes the Supply of Laborers 228 

Thomas Dudley chosen Governor 229 

Trouble over Captaincy of the Hingham Train-band .... 229 

Speech of Winthrop defining the Just Bounds of Liberty .... 237 

Authority of the Magistrates weakened by Mutinous Practices . . . 240 

Rev. Peter Hobart's Presbyterial Spirit 244 

Commerce freed from Restraints 246 

Angry Controversy with d'Aulnay, who captures LaTour's Fort . . 247 

Wreck of the Seafort 248 

Higginson, Bulkeley and George Downing depart for England . . . 250 

The Castle repaired and strengthened 251 

Negroes freed and Offenders punished on a Boston Slave-Ship . . . 252 

Commissioners of United Colonies discuss Indian War and LaTour . . 254 

Military Officers given full Authority in War Matters .... 254 

Sir Henry Vane, the Younger, does New England a Service . . . 256 

The New England Divines answer the Opponents of Congregationalism . 257 

Laws as to Entertainment of Strangers, etc., maintained .... 259 

Dispute between Massachusetts and Plymouth as to Title of Lands . . 261 


Rev. Peter Hobart of Hingham gives Further Trouble 

Dispute as to Proprietorship of Lygonia 

Harmony between Magistrates and Deputies; the Laws digested 
Negotiations with d'Aulnay ....... 

William Vassall and Others petition for Greater Freedom . 



Title-page of the "Bay Psalm-Book." From a copy in the New York 

Public Library (Lenox Building) Frontispiece 


First Page of the Articles of Confederation of the United Colo- 
nies OF New England. From the manuscript in the Connecticut 
State Library 100 

A New England Chronology, from "An Almanack for 1649." From 

the original in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) . 340 



I 630-1 649 
Vol. H 



I 630-1 649 


(3.) (May) 13.] The court of elections was at Boston, and 
Thomas Dudley, Esq., was chosen governor. Some trouble 
there had been in making way for his election, and it was 
obtained with some difficulty ; for many of the elders labored 
much in it, fearing lest the long continuance of one man in the 
place should bring it to be for Ufe, and, in time, hereditary. 
Beside, this gentleman was a man of approved wisdom and 
godliness, and of much good service to the country, and there- 
fore it was his due to share in such honor and benefit as the 
country had to bestow. The elders, being met at Boston about 
this matter, sent some of their company to acquaint the old 
governor with their desire, and the reasons moving them, 
clearing themselves of all dislike of his government, and 
seriously professing their sincere affections and respect towards 
him, which he kindly and thankfully accepted, concurring with 
them in their motion, and expressing his unfeigned desire of 
more freedom, that he might a little intend his private occa- 
sions, wherein (they well knew) how much he had lately suf- 
fered (for his bailiff, whom he trusted with managing his farm, 
had engaged him £2500 without his privity) in his outward 
estate. This they had heard of, and were much affected there- 
with, and all the country in general, and took course, (the elders 
agreeing upon it at that meeting,) that supply should be sent 



in from the several towns, by a voluntary contribution, for free- 
ing of those engagements ; and the court (having no money to 
bestow, and being yet much indebted) gave his wife three 
thousand acres of land, and some of the towns sent in liberally, 
and some others promised, but could perform but little, and 
the most nothing at all. The whole came not to £500 whereof 
near half came from Boston, and one gentleman of Newbury, 
Mr. Richard Dummer, propounded for a supply by a more 
private way, and for example, himself disbursed £100.* 

This first court there fell some difference between the gov- 
ernor and some of the deputies about a vote, upon a motion to 
have the fine of £200 imposed upon Mr. Robert Keaine to be 
abated. Some would have had it at £100, — others at 100 
marks, others at 50, and because the governor put the lowest 
to the vote fii'st, whereas divers called for the highest, they 
charged the governor with breach of order, whereupon he 
grew into some heat, professing that he would not suffer such 
things, etc. The deputies took this as a menacing, and much 
offence they took at it ; but the next day he cleared his inten- 
tion to them, and all was quiet. 

Mo. 4 (June).] Divers of the inhabitants of Linne, finding 
themselves straitened, looked out for a new plantation, and 
going to Long Island, they agreed with the Lord Sterling's 
agent there, one Mr. Forrett,^ for a parcel of the isle near the 
west end, and agreed with the Indians for their right. The 
Dutch, hearing of this, and making claim to that part of the 
island by a former purchase of the Indians, sent men to take 
possession of the place, and set up the arms of the Prince of 
Orange upon a tree. The Linne men sent ten or twelve men 

^ This liberality to Winthrop, suffering thus heavily through his devotion to 
the public service, is the best possible evidence of the esteem in which he was 
held. The large gift of Richard Dummer, in particular, who had been dis- 
ciplined in the antinomian excitement, (see Vol. I., p. 215), is a sign, from a 
magnanimous sufferer, of appreciation of substantial worth in a persecutor. 

=^Read Farrett. James Farrett, a Scotsman, was from 1637 to 1641 the 
agent of Lord Stirling for selling lands on Long Island. See Slafter, Sir Wil- 
liam Alexander, pp. 87-90. 


with provisions, etc., who began to build, and took down the 
prince's arms, and, in place thereof, an Indian had drawn an 
unhandsome face. The Dutch took this in high displeasure, 
and sent soldiers and fetched away their men, and imprisoned 
them a few days, and then took an oath of them [blank] and so 
discharged them. Upon this the Linne men (finding them- 
selves too weak, and having no encouragement to expect aid 
from the English) deserted that place, and took another at the 
east end of the same island; and, being now about forty 
families, they proceeded in their plantation, and called one 
Mr. Pierson, a godly learned man, and a member of the church 
of Boston, to go with them, who with some seven or eight more 
of the company gathered (9)* into a church body at Linne, 
(before they went,) and the whole company entered into a civil 
combination (with the advice of some of our magistrates) to 
become a corporation. 

• Upon this occasion, the Dutch governor, one William Kyfte, 
(a discreet man,) wrote to our governor complaint of the Eng- 
lish usurpations, both at Connecticut, and now also at Long 
Island, and of the abuse offered to the Prince's arms, etc., and 
thereupon excused his imprisoning our men. To which the 
governor returned answer, (in Latin, his letter being in the 
same,) that our desire had always been to hold peace and good 
correspondency with all our neighbors ; and though we would 
not maintain any of our countrymen in any unjust action, yet 
we might not suffer them to be injured, etc. As for our neigh- 
bors of Connecticut, etc., he knew they were not under our 
government, and for those at Long Island, they went volun- 
tarily from us, etc.^ 

' /. e., probably in November. 

^ From another authority, we learn that the arms of the Prince of Orange 
were pulled down by Lieutenant Daniel Howe, who was at times deputy for 
Lynn in the General Court. The growth of the plantations, now causing en- 
croachment east and west, involved the English in disputes with Dutch and 
French neighbors. The occupation of Long Island (near Oyster Bay) was a 
menace to Manhattan. 


This year there came over great store of provisions, both out 
of England and Ireland, and but few passengers, (and those 
brought very little money,) which was occasioned by the store 
of money and quick markets, which the merchants found here 
the two or three years before, so as now all our money was 
drained from us, and cattle and all commodities grew very 
cheap, which enforced us at the next general court, in the 8th 
month, to make an order, that corn should pass in payments 
of new debts; Indian at 4s. the bushel; rye at 5s., and wheat 
at 6s.; and that, upon all executions for former debts, the credi- 
tor might take what goods he pleased, (or, if he had no goods, 
then his lands,) to be appraised by three men, one chosen by 
the creditor, one by the debtor, and the third by the marshal. 

One of the ships, which came this summer, struck upon a 
whale with a full gale, which put the ship a stays; the whale 
struck the ship on her bow, with her tail a Httle above water, 
and brake the planks and six timbers and a beam, and staved 
two hogsheads of vinegar. 

(7.) (September.)] There was some rumor of the Indians 
plotting mischief against the Enghsh ; and, to strengthen this, 
the governor of Plymouth, a Mr. Bradford, wrote a letter to 
this effect : that he was informed, (and did believe it,) that the 
Naragansett sachem, Miantunnomoh, had sent a great present 
of wampum to the Mohawks, to aid him against the Enghsh, 
and that it was accepted, and aid promised. The Hke news 
was brought by Mr. Haynes, one of the magistrates upon Con- 
necticut, and many words were taken up from some Indians 
among us, which our fears interpreted the same way.* The 
governor and council gave no great credit to these suspicions, 
yet they thought fit to take order, strengthening the watches 
in all towns, and causing them to be ordered by the mihtary 
officers, (being before committed to the constables' charge,) 

* Rumors thus accredited as to danger from this powerful tribe were certainly 
disquieting. We shall have occasion to note certain very harsh measures taken 
by the colonists, who felt they were environed by great perils. 


and withal sent Capt. Jenyson with three men and an Indian 
interpreter to the Naragansett sachems, to know the truth of 
their intentions, etc. They were very kindly entertained, but 
they would not speak with him in the presence of his Indian 
interpreter, because he was a Pequod, and a servant, and their 
enemy, and might discover their councils. So he made use of 
another interpreter. They denied all confederations with the 
Mohawks, etc., and professed their purpose to continue friend- 
ship with us, and not to use any hostility towards the EngHsh, 
except they began, etc., and promised to come to Boston (as 
he was desired) if Mr. Williams might come with him, (but that 
we had denied). Only Janemoh, the Niantick sachem, carried 
himself proudly, and refused to come to us, or to yield to any 
thing, only he said he would not harm us, except we invaded 

The governor and council took from Cutshamekin the 
powder and shot they had bought of our people, with promise 
to pay for it, or restore it, etc. 

This summer there came divers godly men, as they pre- 
tended, from Christophers with their families. The occasion 
was, one Mr. Collins, a young scholar, full of zeal, etc., preach- 
ing in the island, it pleased God, divers were wrought upon by 
him, but he and they being persecuted, and their hberty re- 
strained, they came away, and brought all their substance in 
tobacco, which came at so dead a market, as they could not 
get above two pence the pound (the freight came to one penny, 
observe,) nor could sell half at that rate. They arrived first 
at Quilipiack, (since called New Haven,) and so dispersed 
themselves here and there, and some returned to Ireland. Mr. 
Collins and one Mr. Hales (a young man very well conceited 
of himself and censorious of others) went to Aquiday, and so 
soon as Hales came acquainted with Mrs. Hutchinson, he was 
taken by her and became her disciple. Mr. Colhns was enter- 
tained at Hartford to teach a school, and hearing of Mrs. Hutch- 
inson's opinions, etc., wrote to Mr. Hales to beware of her. 


Mr. Hales returned him answer, and the next morning he went 
away, without taking leave, and being come to Mrs. Hutchin- 
son, he was also taken with her heresies, and in great admira- 
tion of her, so as these, and other the Hke before, when she 
dwelt in Boston, gave cause of suspicion of witchcraft, for it 
was certainly known, that Hawkins's wife (who continued with 
her, and was her bosom friend) had much familiarity with the 
devil in England, when she dwelt at St. Ives, where divers 
ministers and others resorted to her and found it true. 

This summer here arrived one Mr. Thomas Gorge,* a young 
gentleman of the inns of court, a kinsman of Sir Ferdinand 
Gorge, and sent by him with commission for the government 
of his province of Somersetshire. He was sober and well dis- 
posed; he staid a few days at Boston, and was very careful 
to take advice of our magistrates how to manage his affairs, 
etc. When he came to Acomenticus, now called Bristol,^ he 
found all out of order, for Mr. Burdett ruled all, and had let 
loose the reigns of liberty to his lusts, that he grew very notori- 
ous for his pride and adultery ; and the neighbors now finding 
Mr. Gorge well incHned to reform things, they complained of 
him, and produced such foul matters against him, as he was 
laid hold on, and bound to appear at their court at Sacoe : but 
he dealt so with some other of the commissioners, that, when 
the coiirt came, Mr. Vines and two more stood for him, but 
Mr. Gorge having the greater party on his side, and the jury 
finding him guilty of adultery and other crimes, with much 
labor and difficulty he was fined (under £30). He appealed 
unto England, but Mr. Gorge would not admit his appeal, but 
seized some of his cattle, etc. Upon this Mr. Burdett went 

^ Thomas Gorges, in spite of his connection with Sir Ferdinando, preserved 
friendly relations with his Puritan neighbors, and is- remembered with honor 
by the historians of Maine. Richard Vines, too, a cavalier, seems to have been 
a respectable man. Perhaps the different bearing of the royalist agents to the 
Puritans may have been due in part to a recognition by them of the fact that 
the King was powerfully opposed, and that Massachusetts would have in Parlia- 
ment an ally to be reckoned with. 

^ At present York, Maine, 


into England, but when he came there he found the state so 
changed, as his hopes were frustrated, and he, after taking part 
with the cavaUers, was committed to prison. 

One Baker, master's mate of the ship [blank,] being in drink, 
used some reproachful words of the queen. The governor 
and council were much in doubt what to do with him, but 
having considered that he was distempered and sorry for 
it, etc., and being a stranger and a chief officer in the ship, and 
many ships were then in harbor, they thought it not fit to inflict 
corporal punishment upon him, but after he had been two or 
three days in prison, he was set an hour at the whipping post 
with a paper on his head, and so dismissed. 

Mo. 5. (July) 27.] Being the second day of the week, the 
Mary Rose, a ship of Bristol, of about 200 tons, her master one 
Capt. [blank,] lying before Charlton, was blown in pieces with 
her own powder, being 21 barrels; wherein the judgment of 
God appeared, for the master and company were many of them 
profane scoffers at us, and at the ordinances of religion here; 
so as, our churches keeping a fast for our native country, etc., 
they kept aboard, at their common service, when all the rest 
of the masters came to our assemblies; likewise the Lord's day 
following ; and a friend of his going aboard next day and asking 
him, why he came not on shore to our meetings, his answer 
was, that he had a family of his own,. etc., and they had as good 
service aboard as we had on shore. Within two hours after 
this (being about dinner time) the powder took fire (no man 
Imows how) and blew all up, viz. the captain and nine or ten of 
his men, and some four or five strangers. There was a special 
providence that there were no more, for many principal men 
were going aboard at that time, and some were in a boat near 
the ship, and others were diverted by a sudden shower of 
rain, and others by other occasions. There was one man saved, 
being carried up in the scuttle, and so let fall in the same into 
the water, and being taken up by the ferry boat, near dead, he 
came to himself the next morning, but could not tell any thing 


of the blowing up of the ship, or how he came there. The rest 
of the dead bodies were after found, much bruised and broken. 
Some goods were saved, but the whole loss was estimated at 
£2,000. A 20s. piece was foimd sticking in a chip, for there 
was above £300 in money in her, and 15 tons of lead, and 10 
pieces of ordnance, which a year after were taken up, and the 
hull of the ship drawn ashore. 

This judgment of God upon these scomers of his ordi- 
nances and the ways of his servants (for they spake very evil 
of us, because they found not so good a market for their com- 
modities as they expected, etc.) gives occasion to mention other 
examples of like kind, which fell out at this and other times, 
by which it will appear how the Lord hath owned this work, 
and preserved and prospered his people here beyond ordinary 
ways of providence. 

One Capt. Mason of London,' a man in favor at court, and a 
professed enemy to us, had a plantation at Pascataquack ; 
which he was at great charge about, and set up a sawmill, but 
nothing prospered. He provided a ship, which should have 
been employed to have brought a general governor, or in 
some other design to our prejudice, but in launching of it, her 
back was broken. He also employed Gardiner, and Morton, 
and others, to prosecute against us at council table, and by a 
quo warranto, etc., so as Morton wrote divers letters to his 
friends here, insulting against us, and assuring them of our 
speedy ruin, etc. But the Lord still disappointed them, and 
frustrated all their designs. As for this Mason, he fell sick and 
died soon after, and in his sickness he sent for the minister, and 
bewailed his enmity against us, and promised, if he recovered, 
to be as great a friend to New England as he had formerly been 
an enemy. 

Sir Ferdinand Gorge also had sided with our adversaries 
against us, but underhand, pretending by his letters and 

1 John Mason, of the Piscataqua, must not be confounded with John Mason 
of Connecticut, captain in the Pequot war. 


speeches to seek our welfare ; but he never prospered. He at- 
tempted great matters, and was at large expenses about his 
province here, but he lost all. 

One Austin (a man of good estate) came with his family in 
the year 1638 to Quinipiack, and not finding the country as he 
expected, he grew discontented, saying that he could not sub- 
sist here, and thereupon made off his estate, and with his family 
and £1000 in his purse, he returned for England in a ship 
bound for Spain, against the advice of the godly there, who 
told him he would be taken by the Turks ; and it so fell out, for 
in Spain he embarked himself in a great ship bound for Eng- 
land which carried £200,000 in money, but the ship was taken 
by the Turks, and Austin and his wife and family were carried 
to Algiers, and sold there for slaves.^ 

The Lord showed his displeasure against others, though 
godly, who have spoken ill of this coimtry, and so discouraged 
the hearts of his people ; even the lords and others of Providence 
having spoken too much in that kind, thinking thereby to 
further their own plantation. They set out a ship the last year 
with passengers and goods for Providence, but it was taken by 
the Turks. Captain Newman, the same year, having taken 
good prizes in their service, returning home, when he was near 
Dover, was taken by a Dunkirker, and all lost. Mr. Humfrey, 
who was now for Providence with his company, raised an ill 
report of this country, were here kept, in spite of all their en- 
deavors and means to have been gone this winter, and his corn 
and all his hay to the value of £160 were burnt by his own 

*"Here," says Savage in a foot-note, "ends the perfect text of the second 
venerable MS. of the author, which began in my Vol. I., p. 197 [Vol. I., p. 191, of 
this edition]. On the morning of the 10th November [1825], the original was 
destroyed by fire, and my copy, on which the labor of collation, equally faithful 
and pleasant, had been bestowed by me, three times, in different years, was also 
lost. Another copy, designed for the printers, shared the same fate, except that 
the few pages foregoing, having been sent to the press, were preserved. From 
this place to the end of the second volume of the original MS. [ fost, p. 207] 
the boast of a pure text, with correction of the grosser errors denoted in the margin, 
and supplying of omissions in the former edition, must be abandoned." 


servants^ who made a fire in his barn, and by gunpowder, which 
accidentally took fire, consumed all; himself having at the 
court before petitioned for some supply of his want, whereupon 
the court gave him £250. Soon after also Providence was 
taken by the Spaniards, and the lords lost all their care and 
cost to the value of above £60,000/ 

Mo. 7. (September) 3.] Captain Underbill being brought, by 
the blessing of God in this church's censure of excommunica- 
tion, to remorse for his foul sins, obtained, by means of the 
elders, and others of the church of Boston, a safe conduct under 
the hand of the governor and one of the council to repair to the 
church. He came at the time of the court of assistants, and 
upon the lecture day, after sermon, the pastor called him forth 
and declared the occasion, and then gave him leave to speak: 
and indeed it was a spectacle which caused many weeping eyes, 
though it afforded matter of much rejoicing to behold the 
power of the Lord Jesus in his own ordinances, when they are 
dispensed in his own way, holding forth the authority of his 
regal sceptre in the simphcity of the gospel. He came in his 
worst clothes (being accustomed to take great pride in his 
bravery and neatness) without a band, in a foul linen cap pulled 
close to his eyes ; and standing upon a form, he did, with many 
deep sighs and abundance of tears, lay open his wicked course, 
his adultery, his hypocrisy, his persecution of God's people here, 
and especially his pride (as the root of all, which caused God 
to give him over to his other sinful courses) and contempt of 
the magistrates. He justified God and the church and the 
court in all that had been inflicted on him. He declared what 
power Satan had of him since the casting out of the church; 
how his presumptuous laying hold of mercy and pardon, before 
God gave it, did then fail him when the terrors of God came 

^ So ended in disaster the scheme which had threatened the uprooting of 
New England, the hand of God in Winthrop's eyes being clearly visible in the 
misfortunes of the disaffected. I'he Providence referred to is the island Provi- 
dence, or Catalina, off the Nicaraguan coast. 


upon him, so as he could have no rest, nor could see any issue 
but utter despair, which had put him divers times upon resolu- 
tions of destroying himself, had not the Lord in mercy prevented 
him, even when his sword was ready to have done the execu- 
tion. Many fearful temptations he met with beside, and in all 
these his heart shut up in hardness and impenitency as the 
bondslave of Satan, till the Lord, after a long time and great 
afflictions, had broken his heart, and brought him to humble 
himself before him night and day with prayers and tears till his 
strength was wasted ; and indeed he appeared as a man worn 
out with sorrow, and yet he could find no peace, therefore he 
was now come to seek it in this ordinance of God. He spake 
well, save that his blubbering, etc., interrupted him, and all 
along he discovered a broken and melting heart, and gave good 
exhortations to take heed of such vanities and beginnings of 
evil as had occasioned his fall ; and in the end he earnestly and 
humbly besought the church to have compassion of him, and 
to deliver him out of the hands of Satan. So accordingly he 
was received into the church again ; and after he came into the 
court (for the general court began soon after) and made confes- 
sion of his sin against them, etc., and desired pardon, which 
the court freely granted him, so far as concerned their private 
judgment. But for his adultery they would not pardon that 
for example's sake, nor would restore him to freedom, though 
they released his banishment, and declared the former law 
against adultery to be of no force ; so as there was no law now 
to touch his life, for the new law against adultery was made 
since his fact committed. He confessed also in the congrega- 
tion, that though he was very familiar with that woman, and 
had gained her affection, etc., yet she withstood him six months 
against all his solicitations (which he thought no woman could 
have resisted) before he could overcome her chastity, but being 
once overcome, she was wholly at his will. And to make 
his peace the more sound, he went to her husband (being a 
cooper) and fell upon his knees before him in the presence of 


some of the elders and others, and confessed the wrong he had 
done him, and besought him to forgive him, which he did very 
freely, and in testimony thereof he sent the captain's wife a 

4. 5. 6.] It rained three days and nights together, and the 
tides were extraordinary high. 

Mo. 9 (November).] It is before declared how the church 
of Boston sent messengers and a letter to their members at 
Aquiday, and how they refused to hear them, pretending them- 
selves to be no members, being now so far removed. Where- 
upon the elders and most of the church intended to have cast 
them out, as refusers to hear the church ; but some others de- 
sired that the church would write to them once again, which 
accordingly was done, and the letter drawn by Mr. Cotton, 
wherein he fully repeated all former proceedings, both of the 
church and of the court, and justified both, and condemned 
their errors and disturbance of the peace here, and their re- 
monstrance, and Mr. Wheelwright's sermon, (which formerly, 
among other his faihngs, being misled by their subtilty, etc., 
he had justified and commended,) and showed how the church 
had been wronged by them. 

Miantunnomoh, the sachem of Naragansett, came, and was 
met at Dorchester by Captain Gibbons and a guard of twelve 
musketeers, and well entertained at Roxbury by the governor ; 
but when we came to parley, he refused to treat with us by our 
Pequod interpreter, as he had done before to Captain Jenyson, 
and the governor being as resolute as he, refused to use any 
other interpreter, thinking it a dishonor to us to give so much 
way to them. Whereupon he came from Roxbury to Boston, 
departing in a rude manner, without showing any respect or 
sign of thankfulness to the governor for his entertainment, 

' This curious passage, held by Savage to be one of Winthrop's " best delinea- 
tions of manners," is not conclusive as to the sincerity of Underhill's repentance. 
Underhill is supposed to have lived until 1672, his later career being in Connecticut, 
on Long Island, and among the Dutch. He held offices of importance, and 
found opportunity to increase his fame as an Indian fighter. 


whereof the governor informed the general court, and would 
show him no countenance, nor admit him to dine at our table, 
as formerly he had done, till he had acknowledged his failing, 
etc., which he readily did, so soon as he could be made to un- 
derstand it, and did speak with our committees and us by a 
Pequod maid who could speak English perfectly. But it was 
conceived by some of the court that he kept back such things 
as he accounted secrets of state, and that he would carry home 
in his breast, as an injury, the strict terms he was put to both 
in this, and the satisfaction he was urged to for not observ- 
ing our custom in matter of manners, for he told us that 
when our men came to him, they were permitted to use 
their own fashions, and so he expected the same hberty 
with us. So as he departed and nothing agreed, only the 
former articles of peace were read to him and allowed by him 
with this addition, that if any of his men did set traps in 
our jurisdiction, etc., they should be hable to satisfy all dam- 
ages, etc. 

Mo. 8 (October).] The elders had moved at a general court 
before, that the distinction between the two jurisdictions might 
be set down, that the churches might know their power, and the 
civil magistrate his. The same had been moved by the magis- 
trates formerly, and now at this court they presented a writing 
to that effect, to be considered by the court, wherein they 
declared that the civil magistrate should not proceed against 
a church member before the church had dealt with him, with 
some other restraints which the court did not allow of. So 
the matter was referred to further consideration, and it ap- 
peared, indeed, that divers of the elders did not agree in those 

At this court Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, pastor of the church in 
Rowley, being not kindly dealt with, nor justly, as he alleged, 

^The passage illustrates the growth of ecclesiastical power at the expense 
of the civil authority, the theocratic feature of the polity becoming now pro- 


concerning the limits of their town, moved for further enlarge- 
ment for taking in a neck of land upon Merrimack near Co- 
chitawit/ for which end they desired their line might run square 
from Ipswich line. This line was granted, and he said it should 
satisfy, but within an hour after it was discovered that he was 
mistaken, and that such a line would not reach the neck, 
whereupon he came again and confessed his mistake, and still 
demanded the neck. The court was very doubtful what to do 
in it, having formerly granted a plantation at Cochitawit, and 
did not yield his request. Whereupon he pleaded justice, upon 
some promises of large accommodations, etc., when we desired 
his sitting down with us, and grew into some passion, so as in 
departing from the court, he said he would acquaint the elders 
with it. This behavior, being menacing, as it was taken, 
gave just cause of offence to the court, so as he was sent for, 
not by the officer, but by one of Rowley deputies. Before he 
came, he wrote to the governor, wherein he confessed his pas- 
sionate distemper, declared his meaning in those offensive 
speeches, as that his meaning was that he would propound the 
case to the elders for advice only about the equity of it, which 
he still defended. This would not be accepted, but the court 
would have him appear and answer: only they left him to take 
his own time, so the next day he came, not accompanied with 
any other of the elders, though many were then in town, and 
did freely and humbly blame himself for his passionate distem- 
per; and the court knowing that he would not yield from the 
justice of his cause, (as he apprehended it,) they would not put 
him upon any temptation, but accepted his satisfaction, and 
freely granted what he formerly desired. 

A commission had formerly been granted to Mr. Endecott 
and Mr. Stoughton for joining with the commissioners of 
Plymouth, who met the second time at Scituate, and there came 
to a full agreement, which was certified this court, and recorded 
to this effect: That the bounds should be that branch of 

^ Later Andover. 


Conyhassett creek nearest to Scituate, with 60 acres of marsh 
in the south side.* 

The scarcity of money made a great change in all commerce. 
Merchants would sell no wares but for ready money, men could 
not pay their debts though they had enough, prices of lands 
and cattle fell soon to the one half and less, yea to a third, and 
after one fourth part. 

Mo. 10. {December) 9.] The church of Watertown ordained 
Mr. Ivnolles,^ a godly man and a prime scholar, pastor, and so 
they had now two pastors and no teacher, chffering from the 
practice of the other churches, as also they did in their privacy, 
not giving notice thereof to the neighboring churches, nor to 
the magistrates, as the common practice was. 

At the court of assistants one Hugh Bewett was banished 
for holding publicly and maintaining that he was free from 
original sin and from actual also for half a year before, and 
that all true christians after [blank] are enabled to live without 
committing actual sin. 

15.] A pinnace called the Coach, being in her voyage to 
New Haven (late Quinipiack) between Salem and Cape Cod, 
sprang a leak, so as in the morning they found her hold half 
filled with water; whereupon the seamen and passengers be- 
took themselves to their skiff, being a very small one, and the 
wind then growing very high at S. W. Only one Jackson, a 
godly man and an experienced seaman, would not leave the 
vessel before he had tried the utmost, so getting them in again, 
and laying the bark upon the contrary side, they fell to get- 
ting out the water, which, it pleased God, they overcame, and 
having a fine fresh gale, they got safe back to Salem. 

^ The full text of the agreement is given by Bradford, History of Plymouth 
Plantation, p. 351, of the edition in this series. 

^ Rev. John Knowles, not to be confounded with Hanserd Knollys before 
mentioned. His ordination after this fashion, as colleague of the respected 
Phillips, is an extreme assertion of the spirit of Congregationalism; in this we 
may see the hand of Phillips, whose radical temper was manifest from the first. 
Savage finds here a confirmation of his belief that no essential difference separated 
the offices of preacher and pastor. 


Mr. Pelham's house in Cambridge took fire in the dead of 
the night by the chimney. A neighbor's wife hearing some 
noise among her hens, persuaded her husband to arise, which, 
being very cold, he was loth to do, yet through her great 
importunity he did, and so espied the fire, and came running 
in his shirt, and had much to do to awake any body, but he 
got them up at last, and so saved all. The fire being ready 
to lay hold upon the stairs, they had all been burnt in their 
chambers, if God had not by his special providence sent help 
at that very instant. 

About this time a pinnace called the Make Shift, (so called 
because she was built of the wreck of a greater vessel at the 
Isle of Sable, and by that means the men saved,) being on a 
voyage to the southward, was cast away upon a ledge of rocks 
near Long Island, the goods were all lost, but the men were 
saved. No winter but some vessels have been cast away in 
that voyage. 

About this time there fell out a thing worthy of observation. 
Mr. Winthrop the younger, one of the magistrates, having 
many books in a chamber where there was com of divers sorts, 
had among them one wherein the Greek testament, the psalms 
and the common prayer were bound together. He found the 
common prayer eaten with mice, every leaf of it, and not any 
of the two other touched, nor any other of his books, though 
there were above a thousand.^ 

Quere, of the child at Cambridge killed by a cat. 

Mo. 8 (October).] We received a letter at the general court 
from the magistrates of Connecticut and New Haven and of 
Aquiday, wherein they declared their disHke of such as would 
have the Indians rooted out, as being of the cursed race of Ham, 

* The mice, like the men, in New England, Winthrop thinks were charac- 
terized by most aggressive dissent; but Savage suggests that the mice, perhaps, 
" not liking psalmody and not understanding Greek, took their food from another 
part of the volume. ... If the cat [mentioned in the next line of text] had been 
in Winthrop's library, she might have prevented the stigma on the Common 


and their desire of our mutual accord in seeking to gain them 
by justice and kindness, and withal to watch over them to 
prevent any danger by them, etc. We returned answer of 
our consent with them in all things propoimded, only we re- 
fused to include those of Aquiday in our answer, or to have any 
treaty with them. 

Mo. 10 (December).] About the end of this month, a fishing 
ship arrived at Isle of Shoals, and another soon after, and there 
came no more this season for fishing. They brought us news 
of the Scots entering into England, and the calling of a parha- 
ment, and the hope of a thorough reformation, etc., whereupon 
some among us began to think of returning back to England. 
Others despairing of any more supply from thence, and yet not 
knowing how to live there, if they should return, bent their 
minds wholly to removal to the south parts, supposing they 
should find better means of subsistence there, and for this end 
put off their estates here at very low rates. These things, to- 
gether with the scarcity of money, caused a sudden and very 
great abatement of the prices of all our own commodities. 
Com (Indian) was sold ordinarily at three shillings the bushel, 
a good cow at seven or eight pounds, and some at £5, — and 
other things answerable (see the order of court in 8ber. (October) 
about these things) whereby it came to pass that men could not 
pay their debts, for no money nor beaver were to be had, and 
he who last year, or but three months before, was worth £1000, 
could not now, if he should sell his whole estate, raise £200, 
whereby God taught us the vanity of all outward things, etc.^ 

*The Parliament whose opening is referred to in this paragraph was the 
famous Long Parliament; the convening of this body was an event epoch-making 
for New as well as Old England. Since persecution no longer came from court 
and church, the main incentive to emigration was removed. The additions to 
the colony were henceforth not numerous: the body of twenty-thousand that were 
already estabhshed, a compact, homogeneous population, during the coming 
century and a half multiplied from within itself almost undisturbed. These 
are the people who have given character to the six north-eastern states of America, 
and influenced so widely the character and fortunes of our country in general. 
See Palfrey, History of New England, preface. Though king and bishop ceased 


One Taylor, of Linne, having a milch cow in the ship as he 
came over, sold the milk to the passengers for 2d the quart, and 
being after at a sermon wherein oppression was complained 
of, etc., he fell distracted. Quere, of the price, for 2d the 
quart was not dear at sea. 

This evil was very notorious among all sorts of people, it 
being the common rule that most men walked by in all their 
commerce, to buy as cheap as they could, and to sell as dear. 

A great ship called the Charles, of above 300 tons, brought 
passengers hither this year. The master was a plain, quiet 
man, but his company were very wicked, and did wrong the 
passengers much, and being at Pascataquack to take in clap- 
boards with another ship wherein Mr. Peter by occasion 
preached one Lord's day, the company of the Charles did use 
all the means they could to disturb the exercise, by hooting 
and hollooing, but in their return they were set upon by the 
Turks and divers of them killed. 

A wicked fellow, given up to bestiality, fearing to be taken 
by the hand of justice, fled to Long Island, and there was 
drowned. He had confessed to some, that he was so given up 
to that abomination, that he never saw any beast go before him 
but he lusted after it. 

Mr. Nathaniel Eaton, of whom mention is made before, be- 
ing come to Virginia, took upon* him to be a minister, but was 
given up of God to extreme pride and sensuality, being usually 

to trouble, the colonies were still beset by embarrassments from over sea. The 
victory of Parliament at length was a victory which they welcomed; but the 
Presbyterians who now came into power were no friends to Congregationalism. 
In 1648, the Independents triumphed over the Presbyterians: these indeed the 
colonists might feel were brothers of their own household. They had followed 
the "New England way" in setting up the Commonwealth. See Thornton, 
Historical Relation of Neiv England to the English Commonwealth; also Borgeaud, 
The Rise of Modern Democracy in Old and New England. But Independency 
during the Commonwealth took on through Roger Williams, Vane, Cromwell 
and the rest, a tolerant temper not congenial to John Endicott and Nathaniel 
Ward, nor even to the more moderate minds of Winthrop and Cotton. Now, 
for twenty years. New England wrought out its own problems, but at last, at the 
-Restoration, the hand of the Stuart was again felt. 


drunken, as the custom is there.' He sent for his wife and 
children. Her friends here persuaded her to stay awhile, but 
she went notwithstanding, and the vessel was never heard of 

* Virginia stands low in Winthrop's esteem; though, as Savage suggests, 
the charge of drunkenness is to be referred only to the clergy. The passage 
may be another illustration of the depth of the estrangement from the Church 
of England. The previous passage respecting Eaton is in Vol. I., pp. 310-315. 


Mo. 12. (February) 2.] The church of Dorchester being 
furnished with a very godly and able pastor, one Mr. Mather, 
and having invited to them one Mr. Burr, who had been a 
minister in England, and of very good report there for piety and 
learning, with intent to call him also to office, after he was re- 
ceived a member in their church, and had given good proofs of 
his gifts and godliness to the satisfaction of the church, they 
gave him a call to office, which he deferring to accept, in the 
mean time he delivered some points savoring of familism, 
wherein the church desiring satisfaction, and he not so free to 
give it as was meet, it was agreed that Mr. Mather and he 
should confer together, and so the church should be informed 
wherein the difference lay. Accordingly Mr. Burr wrote his 
judgment in the points in difference, in such manner and terms 
as from some of his propositions there could no other be gath- 
ered but that he was erroneous ; but this was again so qualified 
in other parts as might admit of a charitable construction. 
Mr. Mather reports to the church the errors which might be 
collected, without mentioning the qualification, or acquainting 
Mr. Burr with it before. When this was published, Mr. Burr 
disclaimed the errors, and Mr. Mather maintained them from 
his writings; whereupon the church was divided, some joining 
with the one, and some with the other, so as it grew to some 
heat and alienation, and many days were spent for reconcilia- 
tion, but all in vain. In the end they agreed to call in help from 
other churches, so this day there was a meeting at Dorchester 
of the governor and another of the magistrates, and about ten 
of the elders of the neighboring churches, wherein four days 
were spent in opening the cause, and such offences as had fallen 
out in the prosecution ; and in conclusion the magistrates and 



elders declared their judgment and advice in the case to this 
effect ; that both sides had cause to be humbled for their fail- 
ings, more particularly Mr. BmT for his doubtful and unsafe 
expressions, and backwardness to give clear satisfaction, etc., 
and Mr. Mather for his inconsideration, both in not acquainting 
Mr. Burr with his collections before he had published them to 
the church, and in not certifying the qualifications of those 
errors which were in his writings : for which they were advised 
to set a day apart for reconciliation. Upon this Mr. Mather 
and Mr. Burr took the blame of their failings upon themselves, 
and freely submitted to the judgment and advice given, to 
which the rest of the church yielded a silent assent, and God 
was much glorified in the close thereof; and Mr. Burr did again 
fully renounce those erroneous opinions of which he had been 
suspected, confessing that he was in the dark about these 
points, till God, by occasion of this agitation, had cleared them 
to him, which he did with much meekness and many tears.* 

The church of Boston were necessitated to build a new 
meeting house, and a great difference arose about the place 
of situation, which had much troubled other churches on the 
like occasion, but after some debate it was referred to a com- 
mittee, and was quietly determined. It cost about £1000, 
which was raised out of the weekly voluntary contribution 
without any noise or complaint, when in some other churches 
which did it by way of rates, there was much difficulty and 
compulsion by levies to raise a far less sum. 

The general fear of want of foreign commodities, now our 
money was gone, and that things were hke to go well in Eng- 
land, set us on work to provide shipping of our own, for which 
end Mr. Peter,^ being a man of a very public spirit and singular 
activity for all occasions, procured some to join for building a 
ship at Salem of 300 tons, and the inhabitants of Boston, stirred 

* Burr, of good education and ability, gave promise of eminence, but died 
the year following this. 
'Rev. Hugh Peter. 


up by his example, set upon the building another at Boston of 
150 tons. The work was hard to accomplish for want of 
money, etc., but our shipwrights were content to take such pay 
as the country could make. The shipwright at Salem, through 
want of care of his tackle, etc., occasioned the death of one 
Baker, who was desired with five or six more to help hale up 
a piece of timber, which, the rope breaking, fell down upon 
them. The rest by special providence were saved. This 
Baker, going forth in the morning very well, after he had 
prayed, told his wife he should see her no more, though he 
could not forsee any danger towards him. 

The court having found by experience, that it would not 
avail by any law to redress the excessive rates of laborers' and 
workmen's wages, etc. (for being restrained, they would either 
remove to other places where they might have more, or else 
being able to live by planting and other employments of their 
own, they would not be hired at all,) it was therefore referred 
to the several towns to set down rates among themselves. 
This took better effect, so that in a voluntary way, by the coun- 
sel and persuasion of the elders, and example of some who led 
the way, they were brought to more moderation than they 
could be by compulsion. But it held not long. 

Upon the great liberty which the king had left the parlia- 
ment to in England, some of our friends there wrote to us ad- 
vice to send over some to sohcit for us in the parliament, giving 
us hope that we might obtain much, etc. But consulting about 
it, we declined the motion for this consideration, that if we 
should put ourselves under the protection of the parliament, we 
must then be subject to all such laws as they should make, or 
at least such as they might impose upon us; in which course 
though they should intend our good, yet it might prove very 
prejudicial to us.^ But upon this occasion the court of assist- 

* Jonathan Trumbull, revolutionary governor of Connecticut, noted this 
passage as characterized by the same independence of Parliament, that marked 
the men of his own time. 


ants being assembled, and advising with some of the elders 
about some coui'se to serve the providence of God, in making 
use of present opportunity of a ship of our own being ready 
bound for England, it was thought fit to send some chosen men 
in her with commission to negotiate for us, as occasion should 
be offered, both in furthering the work of reformation of the 
churches there which was now like to be attempted, and to 
satisfy our countrymen of the true cause why our engagements 
there have not been satisfied this year, as they were wont to be 
in all former time since we were here planted ; and also to seek 
out some way, by procuring cotton from the West Indies, or 
other means that might be lawful, and not dishonorable to the 
gospel for our present supply of clothing, etc., for the country 
was like to afford enough for food, etc. The persons designed 
hereto were Mr. Peter, pastor of the church of Salem, ^ Mr. 
Welde, the pastor of the church of Roxbury, and Mr. Hibbins 
of Boston. For this end the governor and near all the rest of 
the magistrates and some of the elders wrote a letter to the 
church of Salem, acquainting them with om' intentions, and 
desiring them to spare their pastor for that service. The 
governor also moved the church of Roxbury for Mr. Welde, 
whom, after some time of consideration, they freely yielded. 
But when it was propounded to the church of Salem, Mr. 
Endecott, being a member thereof, and having formerly op- 
posed it, did now again the like in the church. Some reasons 
were there alleged, as that officers should not be taken from their 
churches for civil occasions, that the voyage would be long and 
dangerous, that it would be reported that we were in such want 
as we had sent to England to beg relief, which would be very 
dishonorable to religion, and that we ought to trust God who 
had never failed us hitherto, etc. But the main reason, indeed, 
which was privately intimated, was their fear lest he should be 

* Evidences abound of the great usefulness of Hugh Peter, who figures less 
in the dreary controversies than as the promoter of works of practical advantage. 
The reluctance of Salem to part with him can easily be understood. 


kept there, or diverted to the West Indies, for Mr. Humfrey 
intended to go with him, who was already engaged that way by 
the lord Say, etc., and therefore it was feared he should fall 
under strong temptations that way, being once in England; 
and Mr. Humfrey discovered his intentions the more by falling 
foul upon Mr. Endecott in the open assembly at Salem for 
opposing this motion, and with that bitterness as gave great 
offence, and was like to have grown to a professed breach be- 
tween them, but being both godly, and hearkening to season- 
able counsel they were soon reconciled, upon a free and public 
acknowledgment of such failings as had passed. But the 
church, not willing to let their pastor go, nor yet to give a plain 
denial to the magistrates' request, wrote an answer by way of 
excuse, tendering some reasons of their unsatisfiedness about 
his going, etc. The agitation of this business was soon about 
the country, whereby we perceived there would be sinister in- 
terpretations made of it, and the ship being suddenly to depart, 
we gave it over for that season. 

Mo. 2. (April) 13.] A negro maid, servant to Mr. Stough- 
ton of Dorchester, being well approved by divers years' 
experience, for sound knowledge and true godliness, was re- 
ceived into the church and baptized. 

Some agitation fell out between us and Plymouth about 
Seacunk. Some of our people finding it fit for plantations, and 
thinking it out of our patent, which Plymouth men understand- 
ing, forbad them, and sent to us to signify that it was within 
their grant, and that we would therefore forbid ours to proceed. 
But the planters having acquainted us with their title, and 
offering to yield it to our jurisdiction, and assuring us that it 
could not be in the Plymouth patent, we made answer to Ply- 
mouth accordingly, and encouraged our neighbors to go on, so 
as divers letters passing between us, and they sending some 
to take possession for them, at length we sent some to Plymouth 
to see their patent, who bringing us a copy of so much as 
concerned the thing in question, though we were not fully 


satisfied thereby, yet not being willing to strive for land, we 
sat still. 

There fell out much trouble about this time at Pascata- 
quack. Mr. Knolles had gathered a church of such as he could 
get, men very raw for the most part, etc. Afterwards there 
came amongst them one Mr. Larkham, who had been a minister 
at Northam near Barnstable in England, a man not savoring 
the right way of church disciphne, but being a man of good 
parts and wealthy, the people were soon taken with him, and 
the greater part were forward to cast off Mr. I^olles their 
pastor and to choose him, for they were not willing nor able to 
maintain two officers, so Mr. Knolles gave place to him, and he 
being thus chosen, did soon discover himself. He received into 
the church all that offered themselves, though men notoriously 
scandalous and ignorant, so they would promise amendment, 
and fell into contention with the people, and would take upon 
him .to rule all, even the magistrates (such as they were ;) so as 
there soon grew sharp contention between him and Mr. ICnolles, 
to whom the more rehgious still adhered, whereupon they were 
divided into two churches. Mr. Knolles and his company ex- 
communicated Mr. Larkham, and he again laid violent hands 
upon Mr. Knolles. In this heat it began to grow to a tumult, 
some of their magistrates joined with Mr. Larkham and as- 
sembled a company to fetch Capt. Underhill (another of their 
magistrates and their captain) to their court, and he also 
gathered some of the neighbors to defend himself, and to see 
the peace kept ; so they marched forth towards Mr. Larkham's, 
one carrying a Bible upon a staff for an ensign, and Mr. Kjiolles 
with them armed with a pistol. When Mr. Larkham and his 
company saw them thus provided, they proceeded no further, 
but sent to Mr. Williams, who was governor of those in the lower 
part of the river, who came up with a company of armed men 
and beset Mr. Knolles' house, where Capt. Underhill then was, 
and there they kept a guard upon them night and day, and in 
the mean time they called a court, and Mr. Williams sitting as 


judge, they found Capt. Underbill and his company guilty of 
a riot, and set great fines upon them, and ordered him and some 
others to depart the plantation. The cause of this eager 
prosecution of Capt. Underhill was, because he had procured 
a good part of the inhabitants there to offer themselves again 
to the government of the Massachusetts, who being thus 
prosecuted, they sent a petition to us for aid.^ 

The governor and council considered of their petition,and 
gave commission to Mr. Bradstreet, one of our magistrates, 
Mr. Peter and Mr. Dalton, two of our elders, to go thither and 
to endeavor to reconcile them, and if they could not effect that, 
then to inquire how things stood, and to certify us, etc. They 
went accordingly, and finding both sides to be in fault, at length 
they brought matters to a peaceable end. Mr. Larkham was 
released of his excommunication and Capt. Underhill and the 
rest from their censures, and by occasion of these agitations 
Mr. Knolles was discovered to be an imclean person, and to 
have solicited the chastity of two maids, his servants, and to 
have used filthy dalliance with them, which he acknowledged 
before the church there, and so was dismissed, and removed 
from Pascataquack. This sin of his was the more notorious, 
because the fact, which was first discovered, was the same 
night after he had been exhorting the people by reasons and 
from scripture, to proceed against Capt, Underhill for his adul- 
tery. And it is very observable how God gave up these two, 
and some others who had held with Mrs. Hutchinson, in crying 
down all evidence from sanctification, etc., to fall into these 
unclean courses, whereby themselves and their erroneous 
opinions were laid open to the world. 

Mr. Peter and Mr. Dalton, with one of Acomenticus, went 

* Knollys, who in this small religious war bore as ensign a Bible upon a 
pole, was Hanserd Knollys, several times mentioned heretofore, and later con- 
spicuous in England. The reprobate and combative Underhill appears again, 
while Francis Williams had been appointed by Mason and Gorges as governor 
at Portsmouth and Dover. Winthrop's portrayal of dissenters from the Massa- 
chusetts orthodoxy must be taken with some abatement. 


from Pascataquack, with Mr. John Ward, who was to be 
entertained there for their minister; and though it be but six 
miles, yet they lost their way, and wandered two days and one 
night without food or fire, in the snow and wet. But God 
heard their prayers, wherein they earnestly pressed him for the 
honor of his great name, and when they were even quite spent, 
he brought them to the seaside, near the place they were to go 
to, blessed forever be his name. 

Not long before a godly maid of the church of Linne, going 
in a deep snow from Meadford homeward, was lost, and some 
of her clothes found after among the rocks. 

One John Baker, a member of the church of Boston, remov- 
ing from thence to Newbury for enlargement of his outward 
accommodation, being grown wealthy from nothing, grew there 
very disordered, fell into drunkenness and such violent conten- 
tion with another brother, maintaining the same by lying, and 
other evil courses, that the magistrates sent to have him appre- 
hended. But he rescued himself out of the officer's hands and 
removed to Acomenticus, where he continued near two years, 
and now at this time he came to Boston, and humbled himself 
before the church, confessing all his wickedness, with many 
tears, and showing how he had been followed with Satan, and 
how he had labored to pacify his conscience by secret confes- 
sions to God, etc., but could have no peace; yet could not bring 
his heart to return and make public acknowledgment, until the 
hand of God fell upon one Swain his neighbor, who fell into 
despair, and would often utter dreadful speeches against him- 
self, and cry out that he was all on fire under the wrath of God, 
but would never discover any other heinous sin, but that 
having gotten about £40 by his labor, he went into England 
and there spent it in wicked company, and so continued, and 
after a small time hanged himself. This Baker coming in, and 
seeing him thus dead, was so struck with it as he could have no 
rest, till he came and made his peace with the church and court. 
Upon his confession, the church was doubtful whether they 


ought not to cast him out, his offences being so scandalous, not- 
withstanding they were well persuaded of the truth of his re- 
pentance; but the judgment of the church was, that, seeing 
he had excommunicated himself by deserting the church, and 
Christ had ratified it by giving him up to Satan, whereby the 
ordinance had had its proper effect, therefore he ought now to 
be received and pardoned, whereto the church agreed. Yet 
this man fell into gross distempers soon after. 

Mr. Cotton out of that in Revelations 15. none could enter 
into the temple until, etc., delivered, that neither Jews nor any 
more of the Gentiles should be called until Antichrist were 
destroyed, viz. to a church estate, though here and there a 

Upon the Lord's day at Concord two children were left at 
home alone, one lying in a cradle, the other having burned a 
cloth, and fearing its mother should see it, thrust it into a hay 
stack by the door (the fire not being quite out) whereby the 
hay and house were burned and the child in the cradle before 
they came from the meeting. About the same time two houses 
were burned at Sudbury. 

By occasion of these fires I may add another of a different 
kind, but of much observation. A godly woman of the church 
of Boston, dwelling sometimes in London, brought with her a 
parcel of very fine Hnen of great value, which she set her heart 
too much upon, and had been at charge to have it all newly 
washed, and curiously folded and pressed, and so left it in press 
in her parlor over night. She had a negro maid went into the 
room very late, and let fall some snuff of the candle upon the 
linen, so as by the morning all the linen was burned to tinder, 
and the boards underneath, and some stools and a part of the 
wainscot burned, and never perceived by any in the house, 
though some lodged in the chamber over head, and no ceiUng 
between. But it pleased God that the loss of this linen did her 
much good, both in taking off her heart from worldly comforts, 
and in preparing her for a far greater affliction by the untimely 


death of her husband, who was slain not long after at Isle of 

Mo. 4. (June) 2.] The court of elections, Richard Belling- 
ham, Esq., chosen governor. See more a few leaves after. 

This year the two ships were finished, one at Salem of 300 
tons, and another at Boston of 160 tons. 

The parhament of England setting upon a general reforma- 
tion both of church and state, the Earl of Strafford being be- 
headed, and the archbishop* (our great enemy) and many others 
of the great officers and judges, bishops and others, imprisoned 
and called to account, this caused all men to stay in England in 
expectation of a new world, so as few coming to us, all foreign 
commodities grew scarce, and our own of no price. Com would 
buy nothing: a cow which cost last year £20 might now be 
bought for 4 or £5, etc., and many gone out of the country, so 
as no man could pay his debts, nor the merchants make return 
into England for their commodities, which occasioned many 
there to speak evil of us. These straits set our people on work 
to provide fish, clapboards, plank, etc., and to sow hemp and 
flax (which prospered very well) and to look out to the West 
Indies for a trade for cotton. The general court also made 
orders about payment of debts, setting com at the wonted price, 
and payable for all debts which should arise after a time pre- 
fixed. They thought fit also to send some chosen men into 
England, to congratulate the happy success there, and to satisfy 
our creditors of the true cause why we could not make so 
current payment now as in former years we had done, and to 
be ready to make use of any opportunity God should offer for 
the good of the country here, as also to give any advice, as it 
should be required, for the settling the right form of church 
discipline there, but with this caution, that they should not seek 
supply of our wants in any dishonorable way, as by begging or 
the like, for we were resolved to wait upon the Lord in the use 
of all means which were lawful and honorable. The men 

* Laud. 


chosen were Mr. Hugh Peter, pastor of the church in Salem, 
Mr. Thos. Welde, pastor of the church in Roxbury, and Mr. 
Wilham Hibbins of Boston.^ There being no ship which was 
to return right for England, they went to Newfoundland, in- 
tending to get a passage from thence in the fishing fleet. They 
departed hence the 3d of the 6th month, and with them went 
one of the magistrates, Mr. John Winthrop, jun. This act 
of the court did not satisfy all the elders, and many others 
disliked it, supposing that it would be conceived we had sent 
them on begging; and the church of Salem was unwilhngly 
drawn to give leave to their pastor to go, for the court was not 
minded to use their power in taking an officer from the church 
without their consent, but in the end they and the other 
churches submitted to the desire of the court. These with 
other passengers to the number of forty went to Newfoundland, 
expecting to go from thence in some fishing ships. They ar- 
rived there in 14 days, but could not go altogether, so were 
forced to divide themselves and go from several parts of the 
island, as they could get shipping. The ministers preached to 
the seamen, etc., at the island, who were much affected with 
the word taught, and entertained them with all courtesy, as we 
understood by letters from them which came by a fishing ship 
to the Isles of Shoales about the beginning of October. 

21.] A young man, a tanner in Boston, going to wash him- 
self in a creek, said, jestingly, I will go and drown myself now, 
which fell out accordingly ; for by the slipperiness of the earth, 
he was carried beyond his depth, and having no skill to swim, 
was drowned, though company were at hand, and one in the 
water with him. 

Letters came from the governor, etc., of Connecticut for 
advice about the difference between them and the Dutch. The 

* Here we take farewell of Hugh Peter. Thomas Welde acted in England 
with the Presbyterians, becoming estranged from Independency on account of 
its tolerance. His connection with Winthrop's Short Story of the Hutchinsonian 
troubles has been noted before. 


Dutch governor had pressed them hard for his interest in all 
Hartford, etc., as far as one might see from their house, alleging 
he had purchased so much of the Pequods, and threatened 
force of arms. They of the river alleged their purchase of 
other Indians, the true owners of the place, etc., with other 
arguments from our patent and that of Saybrook. We re- 
turned answer without determining of either side, but advising 
to a moderate way, as the yielding some more land to the Dutch 
house (for they had left them but 30 acres). But the Dutch 
would not be thus pacified, but prepared to send soldiers to be 
billeted at their house. But it pleased the Lord to disappoint 
their purpose, for the Indians falling out with them, killed four 
of their men at their fort Orange,^ whereof three were English, 
who had gone to dwell among them, whereby they were forced 
to keep their soldiers at home to defend themselves ; and Mr. 
Peter going for England, and being well acquainted with the 
chief merchants in Holland, undertook to pacify the West India 
company, but for want of commission from those of Hartford, 
the company there would not treat with him. 

About this time three boys of Summer's Islands^ stole away 
in an open boat or skiff, and having been eight weeks at sea, 
their boat was cast away upon a strand without Long Island, 
and themselves were saved by the Indians. 

A church being gathered at Providence in the West Indies, 
and their pastor, Mr. Sherwood, and another minister being 
sent prisoners into England by one Carter, the deputy governor, 
the rest of the church, being but five, wrote to our churches 
complaining of the persecution of their magistrates and others, 
and desiring our prayers and help from us, which moved the 
churches and magistrates more willingly to further those who 
were already resolved and preparing for that Island. Where- 
upon two small vessels, each of about 30 tons, with divers 
families and goods, so many as they could bestow, 30 men, 5 

* Now Albany. 

^ The Summer, or Somers, Islands were the Bermudas. 


women, and 8 children, set sail for the Island, and touching at 
Christophers, they heard that a great fleet of Spanish ships 
was abroad, and that it was feared they had taken Providence, 
so as the master, Mr. Peirce, a godly man and most expert 
mariner, advised them to return, and offered to bear part of the 
loss. But they not hearkening to him, he repHed, Then am I 
a dead man. And coming to the Island, they marvelled they 
saw no colors upon the fort, nor any boat coming towards them, 
whereupon he was counselled to drop an anchor. He hked the 
advice, but yet stood on into the harbor, and after a second 
advice, he still went on ; but being come within pistol shot of 
one fort and haihng, and no answer made, he put his bark 
a stays, and being upon the deck, which was also full of pas- 
sengers, women and children, and hearing one cry out, they are 
traversing a piece at us, he threw himself in at the door of the 
cuddy, and one Samuel Wakeman, a member of the church of 
Hartford, who was sent with goods to buy cotton, cast himself 
down by him, and presently a great shot took them both. 
Mr. Peirce* died within an hour; the other, having only his 
thighs tore, lived ten days. Mr. Peirce had read to the com- 
pany that morning (as it fell in course) that in Genesis the last, 
Lo I die, but God will surely visit you and bring you back; 
out of which words he used godly exhortations to them. Then 
they shot from all parts about thirty great shot, besides small, 
and tore the sails and shrouds, but hurt not the bark, nor any 
person more in it. The other vessel was then a league behind, 
which was marvelled at, for she was the better sailer, and 
could fetch up the other at pleasure ; but that morning they 
could not by any means keep company with her. After this 
the passengers, being ashamed to return, would have been 
set on shore at Cape Grace de Dios, or Florida, or Virginia, but 
the seamen would not, and through the wonderful providence 
of God they came all safe home the 3d of 7ber following. This 

* Apparently William Peirce, earlier master of the Lyon, the boldest and most 
trusted of the sea captains who at that time frequented the New England harbors. 


brought some of them to see their error, and acknowledge it in 
the open congregation, but others were hardened. There was 
a special providence in that the ministers were sent prisoners 
into England before the Island was taken, for otherwise it is 
most probable they had been all put to the sword, because some 
Spaniards had been slain there a little before by the deputy 
governor his command, after the lieutenant had received them 
upon quarter, in an attempt they had made upon the Island, 
wherein they were repulsed with the loss of two or three hun- 
dred men. They took it after, and gave the people quarter 
and sent them home. 

A like providence there was, though not so safe, in that 
divers godly people, in their voyage to the Island the year 
before, were taken prisoners by the Turks, and so their lives 
saved, paying their ransom. 

This year divers families in Linne and Ipswich having sent 
to view Long Island, and finding a very commodious place for 
plantations, but challenged by the Dutch, they treated with the 
Dutch governor to take it from them. He offered them very 
fair terms, as that they should have the very same Uberties, both 
civil and ecclesiastical, which they enjoyed in the Massachu- 
setts, only liberty for appeal to the Dutch, and after ten years 
to pay the 10th of their corn. The court were offended at this, 
and sought to stay them, not for going from us, but for strength- 
ening the Dutch, our doubtful neighbors, and taking that 
from them which our king challenged and had granted a 
patent of, with Martha's Vineyard and other islands thereby, 
to the earl of Sterling, especially for binding themselves by an 
oath of fealty ; whereupon divers of the chief being called before 
the general court in 8ber, and reasons laid down to dissuade 
them, they were convinced, and promised to desist. 

This summer the merchants of Boston set out a vessel again 
to the Isle of Sable, with 12 men, to stay there a year. They 
sent again in the 8th month, and in three weeks the vessel 
returned and brought home 400 pair of sea horse teeth, which 


were esteemed worth £300, and left all the men well, and 12 
ton of oil and many skins, which they could not bring away, 
being put from the island in a storm. 

I must here return to supply what was omitted concerning 
the proceedings of the last court of elections. There had been 
much laboring to have Mr. Bellingham chosen, and when the 
votes were numbered he had six more than the others; but 
there were divers who had not given in their votes, who now 
came into the court and desired their liberty, which was denied 
by some of the magistrates, because they had not given them 
in at the doors. But others thought it was an injury, yet were 
silent, because it concerned themselves, for the order of giving 
in their votes at the door was no order of court, but only direc- 
tion of some of the magistrates ; and without question, if any 
freeman tender his vote before the election be passed and pub- 
lished, it ought to be received. 

Some of the freemen, without the consent of the magistrates 
or governor, had chosen Mr. Nathaniel Ward* to preach at this 
court, pretending that it was a part of their hberty. The gov- 
ernor (whose right indeed it is, for till the court be assembled 
the freemen are but private persons) would not strive about it, 
for though it did not belong to them, yet if they would have it, 
there was reason to yield it to them. Yet they had no great 
reason to choose him, though otherwise very able, seeing he 
had cast off his pastor's place at Ipswich, and was now no 
minister by the received determination of our churches. In his 
sermon he delivered many useful things, but in a moral and 
pohtical discourse, grounding his propositions much upon the 
old Roman and Grecian governments, which sure is an error, 
for if religion and the word of God makes men wiser than 
their neighbors, and these times have the advantage of all 

^ Nathaniel Ward, author of the Simple Coblcr of Aggawam, and credited with 
the main work in compiling the Body of Liberties, was the raciest and most enter- 
taining, if the narrowest and most intolerant, of the writers and speakers of New 
England. Naturally, the freemen desired much to hear him, and his counsels 
as to political and constitutional matters made impression. 


that have gone before us in experience and observation, it is 
probable that by all these helps, we may better frame rules of 
government for ourselves than to receive others upon the bare 
authority of the wisdom, justice, etc. of those heathen common- 
wealths. Among other things, he advised the people to keep 
all their magistrates in an equal rank, and not give more 
honor or power to one than to another, which is easier to ad- 
vise than to prove, seeing it is against the practice of Israel 
(where some were rulers of thousands, and some but of tens) 
and of all nations known or recorded. Another advice he 
gave, that magistrates should not give private advice, and take 
knowledge of any man's cause before it came to public hearing. 
This was debated after in the general court, where some of the 
deputies moved to have it ordered. But it was opposed by 
some of the magistrates upon these reasons: 1. Because we 
must then provide lawyers to direct men in their causes. 2. 
The magistrates must not grant out original process, as now 
they do, for to what end are they betrusted with this, but that 
they should take notice of the cause of the action, that they 
might either divert the suit, if the cause be unjust, or direct it 
in a right course, if it be good. 3. By this occasion the magis- 
trate hath opportunity to end many differences in a friendly 
way, without charge to the parties, or trouble to the court. 
4. It prevents many difficulties and tediousness to the court 
to understand the cause aright (no advocate being allowed, 
and the parties being not able, for the most part, to open the 
cause fully and clearly, especially in public). 5. It is al- 
lowed in criminal causes, and why not in civil. 6. Wliereas 
it is objected that such magistrate is in danger to be preju- 
diced, answer, if the thing be lawful and useful, it must not 
be laid aside for the temptations which are incident to it, for 
in the least duties men are exposed to great temptations. 

At this court it was ordered, that the elders should be 
desired to agree upon a form of catechism which might be 
put forth in print. 


Offence being taken by many of the people that the 
court had given Mr. Humfrey £250, the deputies moved it 
might be ordered, that the court should not have power 
to grant any benevolences; but it was considered that the 
court could not deprive itself of its honor, and that hereby 
we should lay a blemish upon the court, which might do 
more hurt to the country by weakening the reputation of 
the wisdom and faithfuhiess of the court in the hearts of 
the people, than the money saved would recompense. There- 
fore it was thought better to order it by way of declaration, 
as if it were to deter importunity of suitors in this kind, 
that the court would give no more benevolences till our 
debts were paid, and stock in the treasury, except upon 
foreign occasions, etc. 

There arose a question in the court about the punishment of 
single fornication, because, by the law of God, the man was 
only to marry the maid, or pay a sum of money to her father; 
but the case falling out between two servants, they were 
whipped for the wrong offered to the master in abusing his 
house, and were not able to make him other satisfaction. The 
like difficulty arose about a rape, which was not death by 
the law of God, but because it was committed by a boy 
upon a child of 7 or 8 years old, he was severely whipped. 
Yet it may seem by the equity of the law against sod- 
omy, that it should be death for a man to have carnal cop- 
ulation with a girl so young, as there can be no possibiHty 
of generation, for it is against nature as well as sodomy and 

At this court the gentlemen, who had the two patents of 
Dover and Strawberry bank at Pascataquack in the name of 
the lords and themselves, granted all their interest of juris- 
diction, etc., to our court, reserving the most of the land to 
themselves.* Whereupon a commission was granted to Mr. 

* Lords Saye and Brooke, and their associates, gave up to Massachusetts 
their rights of jurisdiction under the Hilton and Squamscot patents. 


Bradstreet and Mr. Simonds,* with two or three of Pascata- 
quack, to call a court there and assemble the people to take 
their submission, etc., but Mr. Humfrey, Mr. Peter, and Mr. 
Dalton had been sent before to understand the minds of the 
people, to reconcile some differences between them, and to pre- 
pare them. See more. 

Mrs. Hutchinson and those of Aquiday island broached new 
heresies every year. Divers of them turned professed anabap- 
tists, and would not wear any arms, and denied all magistracy 
among Christians, and maintained that there were no churches 
since those founded by the apostles and evangehsts, nor could 
any be, nor any pastors ordained, nor seals administered but by 
such, and that the church was to want these all the time she 
continued in the wilderness, as yet she was. Her son Francis 
and her son-in-law Mr. Collins (who was driven from Barbadoes 
where he had preached a time and done some good, but so soon 
as he came to her was infected with her heresies) came to Bos- 
ton, and were there sent for to come before the governor and 
council. But they refused to come, except they were brought ; 
so the officer led him, and being come (there were divers of the 
elders present) he was charged with a letter he had written to 
some in our jurisdiction, wherein he charged all our churches 
and ministers to be antichristian, and many other reproachful 
speeches, terming our king, king of Babylon, and sought to 
possess the people's hearts with evil thoughts of our government 
and of our churches, etc. He acknowledged the letter, and 
maintained what he had written, yet sought to evade by con- 
fessing there was a true magistracy in the world, and that 
Christians must be subject to it. He maintained also that 
there were no gentile churches (as he termed them) since the 
apostles' times, and that none now could ordain ministers, etc. 
Francis Hutchinson did agree with him in some of these, but 

^ Simon Bradstreet and Samuel Symonds, younger men now coming forward 
into prominent position, at a later time reached the highest positions, as governor 
and deputy-governor. 


not resolutely in all ; but he had reviled the church of Boston 
(being then a member of it) calling her a strumpet. They were 
both committed to prison ; and it fell out that one Stoddard, 
being then one of the constables of Boston, was required to 
take Francis Hutchinson into his custody till the afternoon, 
and said withal to the governor, Sir, I came to observe what 
you did, that if you should proceed with a brother otherwise 
than you ought, I might deal with you in a church way. For 
this insolent behavior he was committed, but being dealt with 
by the elders and others, he came to see his error, which was 
that he did conceive that the magistrate ought not to deal with 
a member of the church before the church had proceeded with 
him. So the next Lord's day in the open assembly, he did 
freely and very affectionately confess his error and his contempt 
of authority, and being bound to appear at the next court, he 
did the like there to the satisfaction of all. Yet for example's 
sake he was fined 20s., which though some of the magistrates 
would have had it much less, or rather remitted, seeing his 
clear repentance and satisfaction in public left no poison or 
danger in his example, nor had the commonwealth or any 
person sustained danger by it. At the same court Mr. Collins 
was fined £100 and Francis Hutchinson £50, and to remain 
in prison till they gave security for it. We assessed the fines 
the higher, partly that by occasion thereof they might be the 
longer kept in from doing harm, (for they were kept close 
prisoners,) and also because that family had put the country to 
so much charge in the synod and other occasions to the value 
of £500 at least: but after, because the winter drew on, and 
the prison was inconvenient, we abated them to £40 and £20. 
But they seemed not willing to pay any thing. They refused 
to come to the church assemblies except they were led, and so 
they came duly. At last we took their own bonds for their 
fine, and so dismissed them.^ 

^ From the Colony Records it appears that ColHns and Francis Hutchinson 
were forbidden to return to the colony on pain of death. 


Other troubles arose in the island by reason of one Nicholas 
Easton, a tanner, a man very bold, though ignorant. He 
using to teach at Newport, where Mr. Coddington their gov- 
ernor lived, maintained that man hath no power or will in 
himself, but as he is acted by God, and that seeing God filled 
all things, nothing could be or move but by him, and so he 
must needs be the author of sin, etc., and that a Christian is 
united to the essence of God. Being showed what blasphemous 
consequences would follow hereupon, they professed to abhor 
the consequences, but still defended the propositions, which 
discovered their ignorance, not apprehending how God could 
make a creature as it were in himself, and yet no part of his 
essence, as we see by familiar instances; the hght is in the 
air, and in every part of it, yet it is not air, but a distinct thing 
from it. There joined with Nicholas Easton Mr. Coddington, 
Mr. CoggeshalV and some others, but their minister, Mr. 
Clark, and Mr. Lenthall, and Mr. Harding, and some others 
dissented and publicly opposed, whereby it grew to such heat 
of contention, that it made a schism among them. 

Mo. 7 (September).] Captain Underbill, coming to Boston, 
was presently apprehended by the governor's warrant to appear 
at the next court, and bound for his good behavior in the mean 
time, which was ill taken by many, seeing he did not stand 
presented by any man, and had been reconciled to the church 
and to the court, who had remitted his sentence of banishment, 
and showed their willingness to have pardoned him fully, but 
for fear of offence. And it was held by some of the magistrates, 
that the court, having reversed the sentence against him for 
former misdemeanors, had implicitly pardoned all other misde- 
meanors before that time, and his adultery was no more then 
but a misdemeanor; but to bind a man to his good behavior, 
when he stands reconciled to the church and commonwealth, 
was certainly an error, as it was also to commit such an one, 

* All three of the men were of high repute in civil life, each serving his colony 
as governor. 


being not presented nor accused. So easily may a magistrate 
be misled on the right hand by the secret whisperings of such as 
pretend a zeal of justice and the punishment of sin. The 
governor caused him to be indicted at the next court, but he 
was acquitted by proclamation. 

Mo. 7. (Septemher) 11.] It being court time, about 7 or 8 in 
the evening there appeared to the southward a great light, 
about 30 or 40 feet in length ; it went very swift, and continued 
about a minute. It was observed by many in the bay and at 
Plymouth and New Haven, etc., and it seemed to all to be in 
the same position. 

15.] A great training at Boston two days. About 1200 
men were exercised in most sorts of land service; yet it was 
observed that there was no man drunk, though there was plenty 
of wine and strong beer in the town, not an oath sworn, no 
quarrel, nor any hurt done. 

The parliament in England falling so readily to reform 
all public grievances, some of our people being then in London 
preferred a petition to the Lords' house for redress of that 
restraint which had been put upon ships and passengers to 
New England, whereupon an order was made, that we should 
enjoy all our hberties, etc., according to our patent, whereby 
our patent, which had been condemned and called in upon an 
erroneous judgment in a quo warranto, was now impHcitly 
revived and confirmed. This petition was preferred without 
warrant from our court. 

7. (September) 2.] A day of thanksgiving was kept in all 
our churches for the good success of the parliament in England. 

This year men followed the fishing so well, that there was 
about 300,000 dry fish sent to the market. 

The lords and gentlemen that had two patents at Pascata- 
quack, finding no means to govern the people there, nor to 
restrain them from spoihng their timber, etc., agreed to assign 
their interest to us (reserving the greatest part of the propriety 
of their lands). So commissioners being sent thither, the whole 


river agreed to come under our jurisdiction under two proposi- 
tions. 1. If we took them in upon a voluntary submission, 
then they would have liberty to choose their own magistrates, 
etc. 2. If we took them in as being within the line of our 
patent, they would then submit to be as Ipswich and Salem, 
etc., and would have such liberties for felUng timber, etc., as 
they had enjoyed, etc., and so referred it to the next general 
court; and to have courts there as Ipswich and Salem had. 
And accordingly at the general court in the 3d month next, 
they sent two deputies, who, being members of the church 
there, were sworn freemen, and order made for giving the oath 
to others at their own court, the like liberty to other courts for 
ease of the people.^ 

Mo. 9. (November) 8.] Monsieur Rochett, a Rocheller and 
a Protestant, came from Monsieur La Tour, planted upon St. 
John's River up the great bay on this side Cape Sable. He 
brought no letters with him, but only letters from Mr. Shurt of 
Pemaquid, where he left his men and boat. He propounded 
to us, 1. Liberty of free commerce. This was granted. 2. 
Assistance against D'Aulnay of Penobscott, whom he had war 
with. 3. That he might make return of goods out of England 
by our merchants. In these two we excused any treaty 
with him, as having no letters or commission from La Tour. 
He was courteously entertained here, and after a few days 

9.] Query, whether the following be fit to be published. 

The governor, Mr. Bellingham, was married, (I would not 
mention such ordinary matters in our history, but by occasion 
of some remarkable accidents). The young gentlewoman was 
ready to be contracted to a friend of his, who lodged in his 
house, and by his consent had proceeded so far with her, when 
on the sudden the governor treated with her, and obtained her 

* An important crisis both for Massachusetts and the New Hampshire settle- 

^ On Latour and D'Aulnay, see Vol. I., p. 163, note 1. 


for himself. He excused it by the strength of his affection, 
and that she was not absolutely promised to the other gentle- 
man. Two errors more he committed upon it. 1. That he 
would not have his contract published where he dwelt, contrary 
to an order of court. 2. That he married himself contrary 
to the constant practice of the country. The great inquest 
presented him for breach of the order of court, and at 
the court following, in the 4th month, the secretary called 
him to answer the prosecution. But he not going off the 
bench, as the manner was, and but few of the magistrates pres- 
ent, he put it off to another time, intending to speak with him 
privately, and with the rest of the magistrates about the case, 
and accordingly he told him the reason why he did not proceed, 
viz., being unwilling to command him publicly to go off the 
bench, and yet not thinking it fit he should sit as a judge, when 
he was by law to answer as an offender. This he took ill, and 
said he would not go off the bench, except he were com- 

Ai'chibald Tomson, of Marblehead, carrying dung to his 
ground in a canoe upon the Lord's day, in fair weather and 
still water, it sunk under him in the harbor near the shores and 
he was never seen after. 

One Knore, of Charlestown, coming down Mistick in a 
small boat laden with wood, was found dead in it: a good 
caveat for men not to go single in boats in such a season of the 
year, for it was very stormy weather. 

9. (November) 12.] A great tempest of wind and rain from 
the S. E. all the night, as fierce as an hurricane. It continued 
very violent at N. W. all the day after. Divers boats and one 
bark were cast away in the harbor, but (which was a wonder to 
all) no dwelling house blown down, nor any person killed ; and 
the day after it came to S. E. again, and continued all the night 
with much wind and rain ; and thereupon (it being about the 

* After such an experience of Bellingham, it is not strange that the colony 
should restore its chief dignity to Winthrop once more in May, 1642. 


new moon) followed the highest tide which we had seen since 
our arrival here. 

The summer past was very cool and wet, so as much Indian 
corn never ripened, though some stood till the 20th of this 
month. It was observed, that people who fed upon that corn 
were extraordinarily infected with worms in their bodies all the 
year following, which in some was well prevented by leaving 
their bread and feeding upon salt fish. 

The Charles of Dartmouth, of 400 tons, lying at Pascata- 
quack to take in pipe staves, was forced from her anchors in 
the last tempest and driven upon the rocks ; yet all her masts 
were before taken down to be new masted. There rode by her 
a small ship which was safe. This small ship was before de- 
spised by the men of the greater, and they would needs unrig 
their ship upon the Lord's day, though they were admonished 
not to do it. In the same great tempest a shallop of 3 tons 
rode it out all night at the head of Cape Anne, and came in 
safe after. 

Mr. Stephen Batchellor, the pastor of the church at Hamp- 
ton, who had suffered much at the hands of the bishops in 
England, being about 80 years of age, and having a lusty 
comely woman to his wife, did solicit the chastity of his neigh- 
bor's wife, who acquainted her husband therewith ; whereupon 
he was dealt with, but denied it, as he had told the woman he 
would do, and complained to the magistrates against the wo- 
man and her husband for slandering him. The church Hke- 
wise dealing with him, he stiffly denied it, but soon after, when 
the Lord's supper was to be administered, he did voluntarily 
confess the attempt, and that he did intend to have defiled her, 
if she would have consented. The church, being moved with 
his free confession and tears, silently forgave him, and com- 
municated with him : but after, finding how scandalous it was, 
they took advice of other elders, and after long debate and 
much pleading and standing upon the church's forgiving and 
being reconciled to him in communicating with him after 


he had confessed it, they proceeded to cast him out. After 
this he went on in a variable course, sometimes seeming very 
penitent, soon after again excusing himself, and casting blame 
upon others^ especially his fellow elder Mr. Dalton, (who in- 
deed had not carried himself in this cause so well as became 
him, and was brought to see his failing, and acknowledged it 
to the elders of the other churches who had taken much pains 
about this matter). So he behaved himself to the elders when 
they dealt with him. He was off and on for a long time, and 
when he had seemed most penitent, so as the church were ready 
to have received him in again, he would fall back again, and 
as it were repent of his repentance. In this time his house 
and near all his substance was consumed by fire. When he 
had continued excommunicated near two years, and much agi- 
tation had been about the matter, and the church being divided, 
so as he could not be received in, at length the matter was re- 
ferred to some magistrates and elders, and by their mediation 
he was released of his excommunication, but not received to 
his pastor's office. Upon occasion of this meeting for media- 
tion, Mr. Wilson, pastor of Boston, wrote this letter to him, 
(the letter is worthy inserting).* ... 

The general court held in the 10th month past was full of 
uncomfortable agitations and contentions. The principal occa- 
sion (for history must tell the whole truth) was from the gov- 
ernor, who being a gentleman of good repute in England for 
wisdom and godliness, finding now that some other of the 
magistrates bare more sway with the people than himself, and 
that they were called to be of the standing council for hfe, and 
himself passed by, was so taken with an evil spirit of emula- 
tion and jealousy (through his melancholic disposition) as he 
set himself in an opposite frame to them in all proceedings, 
which did much retard all business, and was occasion of grief 
to many godly minds, and matter of reproach to the whole 
court in the mouths of others, and brought himself low in the 

* It is not preserved. Several pages of Winthrop's text are here omitted. 


eyes of those with whom formerly he had been in honor. 
Some instances I will give. 

There fell out a case between Mr. Dudley, one of the coun- 
cil, and Mr. Howe, a ruling elder of the church of Watertown, 
about a title to a mill. The case is too long here to report, but 
it was so clear on Mr. Dudley's part, both in law and equity, 
(most of the magistrates also and deputies concurring therein,) 
as the elders, being desired to be present at the hearing of the 
case, they also consented with the judgment of the court, be- 
fore the case was put to vote, and some of them humbly ad- 
vised the court that it would be greatly to their dishonor, and 
an apparent injustice, if they should otherwise determine. 
Notwithstanding, he still labored to have the cause carried 
against Mr. Dudley, reproved some of the elders for their 
faithful advice, took upon him to answer all the arguments, but 
so weakly as many were ashamed at it, and in reading an order 
of court whereupon the issue of the case chiefly depended, he 
sought to help himself by such unworthy shifts, as interpreting 
some things against the very letter and common sense, wholly 
omitting the most material part, etc., refusing to put things to 
the vote that made against his purpose, etc., that all might see 
by what spirit he was led. 

Another case fell out about Mr. Maverick of Nottles Island, 
who had been formerly fined £100 for giving entertainment to 
Mr. Owen and one Hale's wife, who had escaped out of prison, 
where they had been put for notorious suspicion of adultery,* 
as shall after be showed. The court upon his petition had 
referred it to the usual committee, who made return that 
their opinion was, the court might do well to remit it to £60, 
which he knew would please some of the council well, who 
had often declared their judgment that fines should be so 
imposed as they might upon occasion be moderated. So when 

* Maverick, it must be supposed, believed the parties innocent. He was of 
a bold as well as humane spirit, and ready to suffer while sheltering those whom 
he thought persecuted. 


the petition was returned to him, he takes it and alters the sum 
from £60 to £80, without acquainting the court therewith, 
nor would say that he had done it, when the committee in- 
formed the court of the alteration, before the secretary charged 
him with it. Then he said, he did it in jest, and when the 
secretary said he had reformed it, and the court called to have 
it put to the vote, he refused, and stirred up much heat and 
contention about it, so in the end the court required the deputy 
to put it to the vote. 

Upon these and other miscarriages the deputies consulted 
together, and sent up their speaker,^ with some others, to give 
him a solemn admonition, which was never done to any gov- 
ernor before, nor was it in their power without the magistrates 
had jomed. 

These continual oppositions and delays, tending to the 
liindrance and perverting of justice, afforded much occasion 
of grief to all the magistrates, especially to Mr. Dudley, who 
being a very wise and just man, and one that would not 
be trodden under foot of any man, took occasion (alleging his 
age, etc.) to tell the court that he was resolved to leave his 
place, and therefore desired them against the next court of 
elections to think of some other. The court was much affected 
with it, and entreated him, with manifestation of much affec- 
tion and respect towards him, to leave off these thoughts, and 
offered him any ease and liberty that his age and infirmities 
might stand in need of, but he continued resolute. Thereupon 
the governor also made a speech, as if he desired to leave his 
place of magistracy also, but he was fain to make his own 
answer, for no man desired him to keep, or to consider better 
of it.' 

This session continued three weeks, and established 100 

* At this period, magistrates and deputies sat together in the General Court, 
the governor or deputy-governor presiding: the division into two bodies had not 
yet taken place. Savage understands by "speaker" here a temporary spokes- 

^ Bellingham's unpopularity was plainly well-deaerved. 


laws, which were called the Body of Liberties.^ They had been 
composed by Mr. Nathaniel Ward, (sometime pastor of the 
church of Ipswich: he had been a minister in England, and 
formerly a student and practiser in the course of the common 
law,) and had been revised and altered by the court, and sent 
forth into every town to be further considered of, and now 
again in this court, they were revised, amended, and presented, 
and so established for three years, by that experience to have 
them fully amended and established to be perpetual. 

At this session Mr. Hathorn, one of the deputies, and usu- 
ally one of their speakers, made a motion to some other of the 
deputies of leaving out two of their ancientest magistrates, 
because they were grown poor, and spake reproachfully of them 
under that motion. This coming to Mr. Cotton his knowledge, 
he took occasion from his text, the next lecture day, to confute, 
and sharply (in his mild manner) to reprove such miscarriage, 
which he termed a shghting or dishonoring of parents, and told 
the country, that such as were decayed in their estates by 
attending the service of the country ought to be maintained 
by the country, and not set aside for their poverty, being 
otherwise so well gifted, and approved by long experience to 
be faithful. This public reproof gave such a check to the 
former motion as it was never revived after. Yet by what fol- 
lowed it appeared, that the fire, from which it brake out, was 
only raked up, not quenched, as will be showed anon. 

Mr. Hathorn^ and some others were very earnest to have 
some certain penalty set upon lying, swearing, etc., which the 
deputy and some other of the magistrates opposed, (not disUk- 

^ For the Body of Liberties, prefaced by a learned and copious introduction 
by Francis C. Gray, see Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, third 
series, VIII. 191; also Whitmore, The Colonial Laws of Massachusetts (Boston, 
1889); Old South Leaflets, No. 164; and American History Leaflets, No. 25. 

^ William Hathorne, or Hawthorne, a leader in Salem till near the end of 
the century, was first speaker of the deputies, after the separation of the General 
Court into two bodies, presently to be described. He was the ancestor of Nathan- 
iel Hawthorne. The deputy-governor mentioned was John Endicott. 


ing to have laws made against these or any other offences, 
but in respect of the certain punishment,) whereupon Mr. 
Hathom charged him with seeking to have the government 
arbitrary, etc., and the matter grew to some heat, for the deputy 
was a wise and a stout gentleman, and knew Mr. Hathom 
his neighbor well, but the strife soon fell, and there was no 
more spoken of it that court. Yet this gave occasion to some 
of the magistrates to prepare some arguments against the 
course intended, of bringing all punishments to a certainty. 
The scope of these reasons was to make good this proposition, 
viz. All punishments, except such as are made certain in the 
law of God, or are not subject to variation by merit of cir- 
cumstances, ought to be left arbitrary to the wisdom of the 

Reason 1. God hath left a pattern hereof in his word, where 
so few penalties are prescribed, and so many referred to the 
judges; and God himself varieth the punishments of the same 
offences, as the offences vary in their circumstances ; as in man- 
slaughter, in the case of a riotous son proving incorrigible, in 
the same sin aggravated by presumption, theft, etc., which 
are not only rules in these particular cases, but to guide the 
judges by proportion in all other cases: as upon the law of 
adultery, it may be a question whether Bathsheba ought to die 
by that law, in regard to the great temptation, and the com- 
mand and power of the kings of Israel. So that which was 
capital in the men of Jabesh Gilead, Judges [xxi. 10] in not 
coming up to the princes upon proclamation, was but confis- 
cation of goods, etc., in Ezra 10. 8. See 2d Sam. 14. 6. 11. 

Reason 2. All punishments ought to be just, and, offences 
varying so much in their merit by occasion of circumstances, 
it would be unjust to inflict the same pimishment upon the 
least as upon the greatest. 

3. Justice requireth that every cause should be heard be- 
fore it be judged, which cannot be when the sentence and 
punishment is determined before hand. 


4. Such parts and gifts, as the word of God requires in a 
judge, were not so necessary, if all punishments were deter- 
mined beforehand. 

5. God hath not confined all wisdom, etc., to any one gen- 
eration, that they should set rules for all others to walk by. 

6. It is against reason that some men should better judge 
of the merit of a cause in the bare theory thereof, than others 
(as wise and godly) should be able to discern of it pro re 

7. Difference of times, places, etc., may aggravate or ex- 
tenuate some offences. 

8. We must trust God, who can and will provide as wise 
and righteous judgment for his people in time to come, as in 
the present or forepassed times; and we should not attempt 
the hmiting of his providence, and frustrating the gifts of others 
by determining all punishments, etc. 

Objection. In theft and some other cases, as cases capital, 
God hath prescribed a certain punishment. 

Ans. 1. In theft, etc., the law respects the damage and 
injury of the party, which is still one and the same, though 
circumstances may aggravate or extenuate the sin. 2. In 
capital cases death is appointed as the highest degree of punish- 
ment which man's justice can reach. 

Objection. Then we might as well leave all laws arbitrary 
at the discretion of the judge. 

Ans. 1. The reason is not like. 1. God gave a certain law 
where he left the punishment arbitrary, so as we have a clear 
rule to guide the law where the punishment may be uncertain. 
The varying of the offence in the circumstances doth not vary 
the ground or equity of the law, nor the nature of the guilt, as 
it doth the measure of the reward. He is as fully guilty of 
theft who steals a loaf of bread for his hunger, as he that steals 
an horse for his pleasure. 

Obj ection. The statutes in IJnglan^ .^t doyn 5^qigrtain pen- 
alty for most offences. > * '^ Nv 



Ans. 1. We are not bound to make such examples ourselves. 
2. The penalty, commonly, is not so much as the least degree 
of that offence deserves: 12d. for an oath, 5s. for drunkenness, 


Mo. 11 (January)]. Those of Providence, being all ana- 
baptists, were divided in judgment; some were only against 
baptizing of infants ; others denied all magistracy and churches, 
etc., of which Gorton, who had lately been whipped at Aquiday, 
as is before mentioned, was their instructer and captain/ 
These, being too strong for the other party, provoked them by 
injuries, so as they came armed into the field, each against 
other, but Mr. Williams pacified them for the present. This 
occasioned the weaker party to write a letter, under all their 
hands, to our governor and magistrates, complaining of the 
wrongs they suffered, and desiring aid, or, if not that, counsel 
from us. We answered them that we could not levy any war, 
etc. without a general court. For counsel we told them, that 
except they did submit themselves to some jurisdiction, either 
Plymouth or ours, we had no calling or warrant to interpose in 
their contentions, but if they were once subject to any, then 

* Here enters upon the stage Samuel Gorton, an enthusiast of somewhat 
better birth and education than many of* his fellow-fanatics. He was scarcely 
less of an embarrassment to the come-outers about Narragansett Bay, than to 
the men of Plymouth and Massachusetts. Gorton underwent severe persecu- 
tion, which he endured heroically, the severities being among the least excusable 
of those inflicted by Puritan intolerance. A good account of Gorton, who reached 
considerable influence, is contained in the Dictionary of National Biography. 
See also Richman, Rhode Island, especially I. 144-148. No account of Gorton's 
whipping at Aquiday is to be found on any previous page of Winthrop; but 
Lechford, in his Plain Dealing, says of this Rhode Island experience, "there 
lately they whipt one Mr. Gorton, a grave man, for denying their power, and abus- 
ing some of their magistrates with uncivil terms; the governour, Mr. Coddington, 
saying, in court, you that are for the king lay hold on Gorton, and he again on 
the other side called forth, all you that are for the king lay hold on Coddington, 
whereupon Gorton was banished the island. So with his wife and children he 
went to Providence. They began about a small trespass of swine, but it is thought 
some other matter was ingredient." The case of Gorton makes it plain that even 
in and about Narragansett Bay there were bounds to the exercise of tolerance. 



they had a calling to protect them. After this answer we heard 
no more from them for a time. 

The frost was so great and continual this winter, that all 
the bay was frozen over, so much and so long, as the like, 
by the Indians' relation, had not been these 40 years, and it 
continued from the 18th of this month to the 21st of the 12th 
month (February) ; so as horses and carts went over in many 
places where ships have sailed. Capt. Gibbons and his wife, 
with divers on foot by them, came riding from his farm at 
Pullen point, right over to Boston, the 17th of the 12th month, 
when it had thawed so much as the water was above the ice 
half a foot in some places ; and they passed with loads of wood 
and six oxen from Muddy river to Boston, and when it thawed 
it removed great rocks of above a ton or more weight, and 
brought them on shore. The snow likewise was very deep, 
especially northward about Acomenticus, above three feet, and 
much more beyond. It was frozen also to sea so far as one 
could well discern. 

To the southward also the frost was as great and the snow 
as deep, and at Virginia itself the great bay was much of it 
frozen over, and all their great rivers, so as they lost much cattle 
for want of hay, and most of their swine. 

There was a shallop with eight men to go from Pascataquack 
to Pemaquid about the beginning of the frost, they would needs 
set forth upon the Lord's day, though forewarned, etc. They 
were taken with a N. W. tempest and put to sea about 14 days: 
at length they recovered Monhigen. Four of them died with 
cold, the rest were discovered by a fisherman a good time after, 
and so brought off the Island. 

There was great fear lest much hurt might have been done 
upon the breaking up of the frost, (men and beasts were grown 
so bold,) but, by the good providence of God, not one person 
miscarried, save one Warde of Salem, an honest young man, 
who going to show a traveller the safest passage over the river, 
as he thought, by the salthouse, fell in, and, though he had a 


pitchfork in his hand, yet was presently carried under the ice 
by the tide. The traveller fell in with one leg while he went 
to help the other, but God preserved him. He had about him 
all the letters from England which were brought in a ship newly 
arrived at the Isle of Shoals, which sure were the occasion of 
God's preserving him, more than any goodness of the man. 
Most of the bridges were broken down and divers mills. 

About this time one Turner of Charlestown, a man of 
about 50 years of age, having led a loose and disorderly hfe, 
and being wounded in conscience at a sermon of Mr. Shepherd's, 
he kept it in and did not discover his distress to such as might 
have offered him help, etc., nor did attend upon the pubHc 
means as he ought to have done, and after a good space he went 
out from his wife on the Lord's day at night, having kept at 
home all that day, and drowned himself in a little pit where 
was not above two feet water. . . . 

Three men coming in a shallop from Braintree, the wind 
taking them short at Castle Island, one of them stepping for- 
ward to hand the sail, caused a fowling piece with a French 
lock, which lay in the boat, to go off. The whole charge went 
through the thigh of one man within one inch of his belly, yet 
missed the bone, then the shot (being goose shot) scattered a 
httle and struck the second man under his right side upon his 
breast, so as above 40 shot entered his body, many into the 
capacity of his breast. The third man being now only able to 
steer, but not to get home the boat, it pleased God the wind 
favored him so as he did fetch the governor's garden,^ and 
there being a small boat and men at that time, they brought 
them to Boston before they were too far spent with cold and 
pain, and beyond all expectation, they were both soon perfectly 
recovered, yet he who was shot in the breast fell into a fever 
and spit blood. 

One John Turner, a merchant's factor of London, had gone 
from hence to the West Indies the year before in a small pin- 

* Governor's Island. 


nace of 15 tons, and returned with great advantage in indigo, 
pieces of 8,^ etc. He said he got them by trade, but it was 
suspected he got them by prize. He prepared a bigger vessel 
and well manned in the beginning of winter, and putting to 
sea was forced in again three times. 1. By a leak. 2. By a 
contrary wind ; and 3. he spent his mast in fair weather, and 
having gotten a new at Cape Anne, and towing it towards the 
bay, he lost it by the way, and so by these occasions and by 
the frost, he was kept in all winter. Thereupon he gave over 
his voyage and went to Virginia, and there sold his vessel and 
shipped himself and his commodities in a Dutch ship for the 
West Indies. 

Mo. 1. (March) 27.] Mr. William Aspenwall, who had been 
banished, as is before declared, for joining with Mr. Wheel- 
wright, being licensed by the general court to come and tender 
his submission, etc., was this day reconciled to the church of 
Boston. He made a very free and full acknowledgment of his 
error and seducement, and that with much detestation of his 
sin. The like he did after, before the magistrates, who were 
appointed by the court to take his submission, and upon their 
certificate thereof at the next general court, his sentence of 
banishment was released. 

It is observable how the Lord doth honor his people and 
justify their ways, even before the heathen, when their proceed- 
ings are true and just, as appears by this instance. Those at 
New Haven, intending a plantation at Delaware, sent some 
men to purchase a large portion of land of the Indians there, 
but they refused to deal with them. It so fell out that a Pequod 
sachem (being fled his country in our war with them, and hav- 
ing seated himself with his company upon that river ever since) 
was accidentally there at that time. He, taking notice of the 
English and their desire, persuaded the other sachem to deal 
with them, and told him that howsoever they had killed his 
countrymen and driven him out, yet they were honest men, 

* Pieces of eight reals, i. e., dollars. 


and had just cause to do as they did, for the Pequods had done 
them wrong, and refused to give such reasonable satisfaction as 
was demanded of them. Whereupon the sachem entertained 
them, and let them have what land they desired. 

2. (April) 14.] A general fast was kept for our native 
country and Ireland and our own occasions. 

The spring began very early, and the weather was very mild, 
but the third and fourth month proved very wet and cold, so 
that the low meadows were much spoiled, and at Connecticut 
they had such a flood as brake their bridges, and killed all their 
winter corn, and forced them to plant much of their Indian over. 

The last winter divers vessels were cast away to the south- 
ward, one at Long Island, where 8 or 9 persons were drowned. 
These were loose people, who Hved by trucking with the 

Mo. 3. (May) 9.] The ship Eleanor of London, one Mr. 
Inglee master, arrived at Boston. She was laden with tobacco 
from Virginia, and having been about 14 days at sea, she was 
taken with such a tempest, as though all her sails were down and 
made up, yet they were blown from the yards, and she was 
laid over on one side two and a half hours, so low as the water 
stood upon her deck, and the sea over-raking her continually, 
and the day was as dark as if it had been night, and though 
they had cut her masts, yet she righted not till the tempest 
assuaged. She staid here till the 4th of the (4) (June) and was 
well fitted with masts, sails, rigging, and victuals at such rea- 
sonable rates as the master was much affected with his enter- 
tainment, and professed that he never found the like usage in 
Virginia where he had traded these ten years. 

Captain Underbill, finding no employment here that would 
maintain him and his family, and having good offers made him 
by the Dutch governor, (he speaking the Dutch tongue and his 
wife a Dutch woman,) had been with the governor, and being 
returned desired the church's leave to depart. The church, \m- 
derstanding that the EngUsh, at Stamford near the Dutch, had 


offered him employment and maintenance, (after their ability,) 
advised him rather to go thither, seeing they were our country- 
men and in a church estate. He accepted this advice. His 
wife, being more forward to this, consented, and the church 
furnished him out, and provided a pinnace to transport him; 
but when he came there he changed his mind, or at least his 
course, and went to the Dutch/ 

18.] The court of elections was. Mr. Winthrop was again 
chosen governor, and Mr. Endecott deputy governor. This 
being done, Mr. Dudley went away, and though he were chosen 
an assistant, yet he would not accept it. Some of the elders 
went to his house to deal with him. His answer was, that he 
had sufficient reasons to excuse and warrant his refusal, which 
he did not think fit to publish, but he would impart to any one 
or two of them whom they should appoint, which he did ac- 
cordingly. The elders acquainted the court with what they 
had done, but not with the reasons of his refusal, only that 
they thought them not sufficient. The court sent a magistrate 
and two deputies to desire him to come to the court, for as a 
counsellor he was to assist in the general court. The next day 
he came, and after some excuse he consented to accept the 
place, so that the court would declare that if at any time he 
should depart out of the jurisdiction, (which he protested he 
did not intend,) no oath, either of officer, counsellor, or as- 
sistant should hold him in any bond where he stood. This 
he desired, not for his own satisfaction, but that it might be a 
satisfaction to others who might scruple his liberty herein. 
After much debate the court made a general order which gave 
him satisfaction. 

One Mr. Blinman, a minister in Wales, a godly and able 
man, came over with some friends of his, and being invited to 
Green's Harbor,^ near Plymouth, they went thither, but ere the 

1 John Underhill thus disappears from the stage to dwell with the Dutch, 
his former associates no doubt gladly bidding him farewell. 
^ Now Marshfield. 


year was expired there fell out some difference among them, 
which by no means could be reconciled, so as they agreed to 
part, and he came with his company and sat down at Cape 
Anne, which at this court was estabhshed to be a plantation, 
and called Gloucester. 

A book was brought into the com*t, wherein the institution 
of the standing council was pretended to be a sinful innova- 
tion. The governor moved to have the contents of the book 
examined, and then, if there appeared cause, to inquire after 
the author. But the greatest part of the court, having some 
intimation of the author, of whose honest intentions they were 
well persuaded, would not consent, only they permitted it to 
be read, but not to be spoken unto, but would have inquiry 
first made how it came into the court. "WTiereupon it was 
found to have been made by Mr. Saltonstall, one of the assist- 
ants, and by him sent to Mr. Hathom (then a deputy of the 
court) to be tendered to the court, if he should approve of it. 
Mr. Hathom did not acquaint the court with it, but dehvered it 
to one of the freemen to consider of, with whom it remained 
about half a year, till he delivered it to Mr. Dudley. This dis- 
covery being made, the governor moved again that the matter 
of the book might be considered, but the court could not agree 
to it except Mr. Saltonstall were first acquit from any censure 
concerning the said book. This was thought to be a course out 
of all order, and upon that some passages very offensive and 
unwarrantable were mentioned, about which also the court 
being divided, the governor moved to take the advice of the 
elders concerning the soundness of the propositions and argu- 
ments. This the court would not allow neither, except the 
whole cause were referred also, which he thought sure they 
would have accepted, for the cause being of a civil nature, it 
belonged to the court, and not to the elders, to judge of the 
merit thereof. In the end, a day or two after, when no further 
proceeding was otherwise hke to be had, it was agreed, that in 
regard the court was not jealous of any evil intention in Mr. 


Saltonstall, etc., and that when he did write and deliver it, (as 
was supposed,) there was an order in force, which gave hberty 
to every freeman to consider and dehver their judgments to the 
next court about such fundamental laws as were then to be 
estabUshed, (whereof one did concern the institution and power 
of the coimcil,) therefore he should be discharged from any 
censure or further inquiry about the same, which was voted ac- 
cordingly, although there were some expressions in the book 
which would not be warranted by that order, as that the coun- 
cil was instituted unwarily to satisfy Mr. Vane's desire, etc., 
whereas it was well known to many in the court, as themselves 
affirmed, that it was upon the advice and sohcitation of the 
elders, and after much deliberation from court to court. Other 
passages there were also, which were very unsound, reproach- 
ful and dangerous, and was manifested by an answer made 
thereunto by Mr. Dudley, and received at the next session 
of the court, and by some observations made by Mr. Norris, a 
grave and judicious elder, teacher of the church in Salem, (and 
with some difficulty read also in court,) who, not suspecting 
the author, handled him somewhat sharply according to the 
merit of the matter. 

This summer five ships more were built, three at Boston, 
and one at Dorchester, and one at Salem. 

A cooper's wife of Hingham, having been long in a sad mel- 
ancholic distemper near to phrensy, and having formerly at- 
tempted to drown her child, but prevented by God's gracious 
providence, did now again take an opportunity, being alone, to 
carry her child, aged three years, to a creek near her house, and 
stripping it of the clothes, threw it into the water and mud. 
But, the tide being low, the little child scrambled out, and tak- 
ing up its clothes, came to its mother who was set down not 
far off. She carried the child again, and threw it in so far as it 
could not get out ; but then it pleased God, that a yoimg man, 
coming that way, saved it. She would give no other reason 
for it, but that she did it to save it from misery, and withal 


that she was assured, she had sinned against the Holy Ghost, 
and that she could not repent of any sin. Thus doth Satan 
work by the advantage of our infirmities, which should stir 
us up to cleave the more fast to Christ Jesus, and to walk the 
more humbly and watchfully in all our conversation. 

At this general court appeared one Richard Gibson a 
scholar, sent some three or fom' years since to Richman's Island^ 
to be a minister to a fishing plantation there belonging to one 
Mr. Trelawney of Plymouth in England. He removed from 
thence to Pascataquack, and this year was entertained by the 
fishermen at the Isle of Shoals to preach to them. He, be- 
ing wholly addicted to the hierarchy and discipline of England, 
did exercise a ministerial function in the same way, and did 
marry and baptize at the Isle of Shoals which was now found 
to be within our jurisdiction. This man being incensed against 
Mr. Larkham, pastor of the church at Northam, (late Dover,) 
for some speeches he delivered in his sermon against such hire- 
lings, etc., he sent an open letter to him, wherein he did scan- 
dalize our government, oppose our title to those parts, and pro- 
voke the people, by way of arguments, to revolt from us (this 
letter being showed to many before it came to Mr. Larkham). 
Mr. Gibson being now showed this letter, and charged with his 
offence, he could not deny the thing, whereupon he was com- 
mitted to the marshall. In a day or two after he preferred a 
petition, which gave not satisfaction, but the next day he made 
a full acknowledgment of all he was charged with, and the 
evil thereof, submitting himself to the favor of the court. 
Whereupon, in regard he was a stranger, and was to depart the 
country within a few days, he was discharged without any fine 
or other punishment. 

Mo. 4. (June) 8.] One Nathaniel Briscoe, a godly young 
man, newly admitted a member of the church of Boston, being 
single, he kept with his father, a godly poor man, but minded 

* Near Scarborough, Maine. Robert Trelawney and Moses Goodyear had 
here a grant, of disputed bounds, from the Council for New England, 1631. 


his own advantage more than his father's necessity, so as that 
his father, desiring in the evening to have his help the next 
day, he neglected his father's request, and rose very early 
next morning to go help another man for wages, and being 
loading a boat in a small creek, he fell into the water and was 

About this time the adventurers to the Isle of Sable fetched 
off their men and goods all safe. The oil, teeth, seal and horse 
hides, and some black fox skins, came to near £1500. 

One Darby Field, an Irishman, hving about Pascataquack, 
being accompanied with two Indians, went to the top of the 
white hill.* He made his journey in 18 days. His relation at 
his return was, that it was about one hundred miles from 
Saco, that after 40 miles travel he did, for the most part, ascend, 
and within 12 miles of the top was neither tree nor grass, but 
low savins, which they went upon the top of sometimes, but 
a continual ascent upon rocks, on a ridge between two valleys 
filled with snow, out of which came two branches of Saco 
river, which met at the foot of the hill where was an Indian 
town of some 200 people. Some of them accompanied him 
within 8 miles of the top, but durst go no further, telling him 
that no Indian ever dared to go higher, and that he would die 
if he went. So they staid there till his return, and his two 
Indians took courage by his example and went with him. They 
went divers times through the thick clouds for a good space, 
and within 4 miles of the top they had no clouds, but very 
cold. By the way, among the rocks, there were two ponds, 
one a blackish water and the other reddish. The top of all 
was plain about 60 feet square. On the north side there was 
such a precipice, as they could scarce discern to the bottom. 
They had neither cloud nor wind on the top, and moderate 
heat. All the country about him seemed a level, except here 
and there a hill rising above the rest, but far beneath them. 
He saw to the north a great water which he judged to be about 
* The first ascent of the White Mountains by a European. 


100 miles broad, but could see no land beyond it. The sea by 
Saco seemed as if it had been within 20 miles. He saw also a 
sea to the eastward, which he judged to be the gulf of Canada: 
he saw some great waters in parts to the westward, which he 
judged to be the great lake which Canada river comes out of. 
He found there much muscovy glass,^ they could rive out pieces 
of 40 feet long and 7 or 8 broad. When he came back to the 
Indians, he found them drying themselves by the fire, for they 
had a great tempest of wind and rain. About a month after 
he went again with five or six in his company, then they had 
some wind on the top, and some clouds above them which hid 
the sun. They brought some stones which they supposed had 
been diamonds, but they were most crystal. See after, another 
relation more true and exact. 

Mo. 4 (June) 22.] In the time of the general court, in a 
great tempest of thunder and lightning, in the evening, the 
Hghtning struck the upper sail of the windmill in Boston by the 
ferry,^ and shattered it in many pieces, and, missing the stones, 
struck into the standard, rived it down in three parts to the 
bottom, and one of the spars; and the main standard being 
bound about with a great iron hoop, fastened with many long 
spikes, it was plucked off, broken in the middle, and thrown 
upon the floor, and the boards upon the sides of the mill rived 
off, the sacks, etc., in the mill set on fire, and the miller being 
under the mill, upon the ground, chopping a piece of board, was 
struck dead, but company coming in, found him to breathe, so 
they carried him to an house, and within an hour or two he 
began to stir, and strove with such force, as six men could 
scarce hold him down. The next day he came to his senses, 
but knew nothing of what had befallen him, but found himself 
very sore on divers parts of his body. His hair on one side of 
his head and beard was singed, one of his shoes torn off his 
foot, but his foot not hurt. 

* Strictly, Muscovy glass was isinglass. Here mica is meant. 
^The wind-mill was on Copp's Hill, opposite Charlestown. 


The Indians at Kennebeck, hearing of the general conspiracy 
against the Enghsh, determined to begin there, and one of them 
knowing that Mr. Edward Winslow did use to walk within the 
palisadoes, prepared his piece to shoot him, but as he was about 
it, Mr. Winslow not seeing him nor suspecting any thing, but 
thinking he had walked enough, went suddenly into the house, 
and so God preserved him. 

At the same general court there fell out a great business 
upon a very small occasion. Anno 1636, there was a stray sow 
in Boston, which was brought to Captain Keayne: he had it 
cried divers times, and divers came to see it, but none made 
claim to it for near a year. He kept it in his yard with a sow 
of his own. Afterwards one Sherman's wife, having lost such 
a sow, laid claim to it, but came not to see it, till Captain 
Keayne had killed his own sow. After being showed the stray 
sow, and finding it to have other marks than she had claimed 
her sow by, she gave out that he had killed her sow. The noise 
hereof being spread about the town, the matter was brought 
before the elders of the church as a case of offence ; many wit- 
nesses were examined, and Captain Keajme was cleared. She 
not being satisfied with this, by the instigation of one George 
Story, a young merchant of London, who kept in her house, 
(her husband being then in England,) and had been brought 
before the governor upon complaint of Captain Keayne as 
living under suspicion, she brought the cause to the inferior 
court at Boston, where, upon a full hearing, Capt. Keayne 
was again cleared, and the jury gave him £3 for his cost, and 
he bringing his action against Story and her for reporting about 
that he had stolen her sow, recovered £20 damages of either 
of them. Story upon this searcheth town and country to find 
matter against Captain Keayne about this stray sow, and got 
one of his witnesses to come into Salem court and to con- 
fess there that he had forsworn himself; and upon this he peti- 
tions in Sherman's name, to this general court, to have the 
cause heard again, which was granted, and the best part of 


seven days were spent in examining of witnesses and debating 
of the cause; and yet it was not determined, for there being 
nine magistrates and thirty deputies, no sentence could by law 
pass without the greater number of both, which neither plaintiff 
nor defendant had, for there were for the plaintiff two magis- 
trates and fifteen deputies, and for the defendant seven magis- 
trates and eight deputies, the other seven deputies stood 
doubtful. Much contention and earnestness there was, which 
indeed did mostly arise from the difficulty of the case, in regard 
of cross witnesses, and some prejudices (as one professed) against 
the person, which bhnded some men's judgments that they 
could not attend the true nature and course of the evidence. 
For all the plaintiff's witnesses amounted to no more but an 
evidence of probabihty, so as they might all swear true, and 
yet the sow in question might not be the plaintiff's. But the 
defendant's witnesses gave a certain evidence, upon their 
certain knowledge, and that upon certain grounds, (and these 
as many and more and of as good credit as the others,) so as if 
this testimony were true, it was not possible the sow should be 
the plaintiff's. Besides, whereas the plaintiff's wife was ad- 
mitted to take her oath for the marks of her sow, the defendant 
and his wife (being a very godly sober woman) was denied the 
hke, although propounded in the court by Mr. Cotton, upon 
that rule in the law he shall swear he hath not put his 

hands to his neighbor's goods. Yet they both in the open court 
solemnly, as in the presence of God, declared their innocency, 
etc. Further, if the case had been doubtful, yet the defendant's 
lawful possession ought to have been preferred to the plaintiff's 
doubtful title, for in equali jure mehor est conditio possidentis. 
But the defendant being of ill report in the country for a hard 
dealer in his course of trading, and having been formerly cen- 
sured in the court and in the church also, by admonition for 
such offences, carried many weak minds strongly against him. 
And the truth is, he was very worthy of blame in that kind, 
as divers others in the coimtry were also in those times, though 


they were not detected as he was ; yet to give every man his 
due, he was very useful to the country both by his hospitaUty 
and otherwise. But one dead fly spoils much good ointment. 
There was great expectation in the country, by occasion of 
Story's clamors against him, that the cause would have passed 
against the captain, but falUng out otherwise, gave occasion to 
many to speak unreverently of the court, especially of the mag- 
istrates, and the report went, that their negative voice had hin- 
dered the course of justice, and that these magistrates must be 
put out, that the power of the negative voice might be taken 
away. Thereupon it was thought fit by the governor and 
other of the magistrates to publish a declaration of the true 
state of the cause, that truth might not be condemned un- 
known. This was framed before the court brake up ; for pre- 
vention whereof, the governor tendered a declaration in nature 
of a pacification, whereby it might have appeared, that, howso- 
ever the members of the court dissented in judgment, yet they 
were the same in affection, and had a charitable opinion of each 
other; but this was opposed by some of the plaintiff's part, 
so it was laid by. And because there was much laboring in 
the country upon a false supposition, that the magistrate's 
negative voice stopped the plaintiff in the case of the sow, one 
of the magistrates published a declaration of the necessity of 
upholding the same. It may be here inserted, being but brief.* 

^ The account here of a dispute over a very trivial matter must not be over- 
looked, since from the small occasion proceeded a memorable constitutional 
change. Captain Robert Keayne, a well-to-do and highly connected man, in- 
terested in many important events, often was the object of popular ill-will, at 
this time being under suspicion of extortion. The charge made against him 
by Mistress Sherman seemed to many well-based, and being pushed with vigor 
by her and her friend Story, brought about at last nothing less than a constitu- 
tional crisis. Among the magistrates Bellingham and Saltonstall sided with the 
people; but the magistrates in general opposing, much agitation arose as to the 
"negative vote," which ended in the establishment for the colony of the bi- 
cameral system, the magistrates to sit by themselves as a senate, and the deputies 
to constitute an independent house. This change, whose consummation Winthrop 
notes on a later page, has profoundly affected political development. Records 
of Massachusetts Bay, under date. 


Mo. 5. (July) 7.] From Maryland came one Mr. Neale 
with two pinnaces and commission from Mr. Calvert, the gover- 
nor there, to buy mares and sheep, but having nothing to pay 
for them but bills charged upon the Lord Baltimore in England, 
no man would deal with him. One of his vessels was so eaten 
with worms that he was forced to leave her. 

Mr. Chancey of Scituate persevered in his opinion of dipping 
in baptism, and practised accordingly, first upon two of his 
own, which being in very cold weather, one of them swooned 
away. Another, having a child about three years old, feared 
it would be frightened, (as others had been, and one caught 
hold of Mr. Chancey and had near pulled him into the water,) 
she brought her child to Boston, with letters testimonial from 
Mr. Chancey, and had it baptized there. 

21.] A general fast was kept by order of the general court 
and advice of some of the elders. The occasion was princi- 
pally for the danger we conceived our native country was in, 
and the foul sins which had broken out among ourselves, etc. 

23.] Osamaken, the great sachem of Pakanocott in Plym- 
outh jurisdiction, came, attended with many men and some 
other sagamores accompanying him, to visit the governor, who 
entertained him kindly, etc. 

The Mary Rose, which had been blown up and sunk with all 
her ordnance, ballast, much lead, and other goods, was now 
weighed and brought to shore by the industry and dihgence of 
one Edward Bendall of Boston. The court gave the owners 
above a year's time to recover her and free the harbor, which 
was much damnified by her; and they having given her over 
and never attempting to weigh her, Edward Bendall undertook 
it upon these terms, viz., if he freed the harbor, he should have 
the whole, otherwise he should have half of all he recovered. 
He made two great tubs, bigger than a butt, very tight, and 
open at one end, upon which were hanged so many weights as 
would sink it to the ground (600wt). It was let down, the 
diver sitting in it, a cord in his hand to give notice when they 


should draw him up, and another cord to show when they should 
remove it from place to place, so he could continue in his tub 
near half an hour, and fasxen ropes to the ordnance, and put the 
lead, etc., into a net or tub. And when the tub was drawn up, 
one knocked upon the head of it, and thrust a long pole under 
water, which the diver laid hold of, and so was drawn up by it ; 
for they might not draw the open end out of water for en- 
dangering him, etc.^ The case of the money, shot out of one 
of the guns, which came to a trial in the court at Boston, (8) 
(October) 27, see in the next leaf. 

5. (July) 28.] A Dutch ship of 300 tons arrived here, laden 
with salt from the West Indies, which she sold here for plank 
and pipe staves. She brought two Spanish merchants, who 
being taken at sea, while they went in a frigate from Domingo 
to find an English ship which they had freighted there, and was 
by their agreement stolen out of the harbor, where she had 
been long embarred, they hired this Dutchman to bring them 
hither where they had appointed their ship to come, not daring 
to go into Spain or England. They staid here about a month, 
but their ship came not, so they went away again. We heard 
after that their ship had been 14 days beating upon our coast, 
and being put back, still, by N. W. winds, she bare up, and 
went for England, and arriving at Southampton, the parlia- 
ment made use of the treasure. 

God would not suffer her to come to us, lest our hearts should 
have been taken with her wealth, and so have caused the 
Spaniard to have an evil eye upon us. 

Some of the elders went to Concord, being sent for by the 
church there, to advise with them about the maintenance of 
their elders, etc. They found them wavering about removal, 
not finding their plantation answerable to their expectation, 
and the maintenance of two elders too heavy a burden for them. 
The elders' advice was, that they should continue and wait 

^ A very early instance, perhaps the earliest on record, of the use of the diving- 


upon God, and be helpful to their elders in labor and what 
they could, and all to be ordered by the deacons, (whose office 
had not formerly been improved this way amongst them,) and 
that the elders should be content with what means the church 
was able at present to afford them, and if either of them should 
be called to some other place, then to advise with other churches 
about removal. 

One Wequash Cook, an Indian, hving about Connecticut 
river's mouth, and keeping much at Saybrook with Mr. Fen- 
wick, attained to good knowledge of the things of God and 
salvation by Christ, so as he became a preacher to other In- 
dians, and labored much to convert them, but without any 
effect, for within a short time he fell sick, not without suspicion 
of poison from them, and died very comfortably. 

There was about £30 put into one of the guns of the Mary 
Rose, which was known all abroad. The guns being taken up 
and searched, they pulled out of one of them a wad of rope 
yarn. They handled it and found it very heavy, and began to 
undo it, but being very wet and foul they threw it down ; and 
about 8 or 9 days after, coming to try one of the gims, and 
finding this wad lying there, they thrust it in after the powder, 
and shot it off into the channel, but perceived part of it to 
break and fall short, and the rest fell into the middle of the 
channel. But the next low water there was taken up several 
pieces of gold and some silver. This was in a place where 
people passed daily, and never any found there before that 
time. Those who found the money refused to restore it 
to him who had bought and taken up the wreck. Where- 
upon he brought his action, and the money was adjudged 
to him. 

Two ships arrived from England, but brought not above five 
or six passengers, save our own people, and very few goods, 
except rigging, etc., for some ships which were building 

Now came over a book of Mr. Cotton's sermons upon 


the seven vials. Mr. Humfrey had gotten the notes from 
some who had took them by characters/ and printed them in 
London, he had 300 copies for it, which was a great wrong 
to Mr. Cotton, and he was much grieved at it, for it had been 
fit he should have perused and corrected the copy before it had 
been printed. 

Mo. 6 (August).] Mr. Welde, Mr. Peter, and Mr. Hibbins, 
who were sent the last year into England, had procured £500 
which they sent over in hnen, woollen, and other useful com- 
modities for the country, which, because the stock might be 
preserved and returned this year for a further supply, were put 
off together, for about eighty pounds profit, and the principal 
returned by Mr. Stoughton in the next ship. 

By their means also, Mr. Richard Andrews, an haberdasher 
in Cheapside, London, a godly man, and who had been a 
former benefactor to this country, having 500 pounds due to 
him from the governor and company of Plymouth, gave it to 
this colony to be laid out in cattle, and other course of trade, 
for the poor. 

Two fishermen drowned in a shallop, which was overset 
near Pascataquack. 

24.] The ship Trial, about 200 tons, built at Boston by the 
merchants there, being now ready to set sail, (Mr. Thomas 
Coytmore^ master, and divers godly seamen in her,) Mr. 
Cotton was desired to preach aboard her, etc., but upon con- 
sideration that the audience would be too great for the ship, 
the sermon was at the meeting house. 

A plantation was begun the last year at Delaware Bay by 
those of New Haven, and some 20 families were transported 
thither, but this summer there fell such sickness and mortality 
among them as dissolved the plantation. The same sickness 
and mortality befell the Swedes also, who were planted upon 

* 7. e., in shorthand. 

^ Thomas Coytmore, a worthy freeman whose widow became in 1647 the 
fourth wife of Winthrop. 


the same river. The English were after driven out by the 

Mo. 7 (September).] Mr. William Hibbins, who was one 
of those who were sent over into England the year before, ar- 
rived now in safety, with divers others who went over then also. 
He made a public declaration to the church in Boston, of all 
the good providences of the Lord towards him in his voyage to 
and fro, etc., wherein it was very observable what care the Lord 
had of them, and what desperate dangers they were delivered 
from upon the seas, such as the eldest seamen were amazed; 
and indeed such preservations and dehverances have been so 
frequent, to such ships as have carried those of the Lord's 
family between the two Englands, as would fill a perfect volume 
to report them all. 

6.] There came letters from divers Lords of the upper house, 
and some 30 of the house of commons, and others from the 
ministers there, who stood for the independency of churches, 
to Mr. Cotton of Boston, Mr. Hooker of Hartford, and Mr. 
Davenport of New Haven, to call them, or some of them, if 
all could not, to England, to assist in the synod there appoint- 
ed, to consider and advise about the settling of church govern- 
ment. Upon this such of the magistrates and elders as were 
at hand met together, and were most of them of opinion that 
it was a call of God, yet took respite of concluding, till they 
might hear from the rest. Whereupon a messenger was pres- 
ently despatched to Connecticut, and New Haven, with the 
letters, etc. Upon return, it was found that Mr. Hooker Hked 
not the business, nor thought it any sufficient call for them to 
go 3,000 miles to agree with three men, (meaning those three 
ministers who were for independency, and did solicit in the par- 
liament, etc.). Mr. Davenport thought otherwise of it, so as 
the church there set apart a day to seek the Lord in it, and 
thereupon came to this conclusion, that seeing the church had 
no other officer but himself, therefore they might not spare him. 

Mr. Cotton apprehended strongly a call of God in it; though 


he were very averse to a sea voyage, and the more because his 
ordinary topic in Acts 13, led him to dehver that doctrine of 
the interest all chm'ches have in each other's members for mu- 
tual helpfulness, etc. But soon after came other letters 
out of England, upon the breach between the king and parlia- 
ment, from one of the former Lords, and from Mr. Welde 
and Mr. Peter, to advise them to stay till they heard further; 
so this care came to an end.^ 

There arrived another ship with salt, which was put off for 
pipe staves, etc., so by an unexpected providence we were sup- 
plied of salt to go on with our fishing, and of ships to take off 
our pipe staves, which lay upon men's hands. 

There fell out a very sad accident at Weymouth. One 
Richard Sylvester, having three small children, he and his wife 
going to the assembly, upon the Lord's day, left their children 
at home. The eldest was without doors looking to some cat- 
tle; the middle-most, being a son about five years old, seeing 
his father's fowling piece, (being a very great one,) stand in the 
chimney, took it and laid it upon a stool, as he had seen his 
father do, and pulled up the cock, (the spring being weak,) and 
put down the hammer, then went to the other end and blowed 
in the mouth of the piece, as he had seen his father also do, 
and with that stirring the piece, being charged, it went off, and 
shot the child into the mouth and through his head. When 
the father came home he found his child lie dead, and could 
not have imagined how he should have been so killed, but the 
youngest child, (being but three years old, and could scarce 
speak,) showed him the whole manner of it. 

* This invitation, extended by Owen, Goodwin and Nye, the three chief 
ministers of the Independents in England, to the three Hghts of the New England 
Congregationalism, to take part in the Westminster Assembly, is very significant. 
From the three, especially Cotton, had gone back to England a powerful influence, 
so much so that Independency in England was called " the New England way." 
At this period Independency was just rising into consequence, but afterwards it 
became dominant. It would have been a calamity to New England had Cotton, 
Hooker and Davenport at this time departed, and their presence in England could 
scarcely have affected the general result. 


There arrived in a small pinnace one Mr. Bennet, a gentle- 
man of Virginia, with letters from many well disposed people 
of the upper new farms^ in Virginia to the elders here, be- 
wailing their sad condition for want of the means of salvation, 
and earnestly entreating a supply of faithful ministers, whom, 
upon experience of their gifts and godliness, they might call 
to office, etc. Upon these letters, (which were openly read in 
Boston upon a lecture day,) the elders met, and set a day 
apart to seek God in it, and agreed upon three who might 
most likely be spared, viz., Mr. Phillips of Watertown, Mr. 
Tompson of Braintree, and Mr. Miller of Rowley, for these 
churches had each of them two. Having designed these men, 
they acquainted the general court herewith, who did approve 
thereof, and ordered that the governor should commend them 
to the governor and council of Virginia, which was done 
accordingly. But Mr. Phillips being not willing to go, Mr. 
Knolles, his fellow elder, and Mr. Tompson, with the consent 
of their churches, were sent away, and departed on their way 
8ber (October) 7. to Taunton, to meet the bark at Narragansett. 
Mr. Miller did not accept the call. The main argument, which 
prevailed with the churches to dismiss them to that work, and 
with the court to allow and further it, was the advancement of 
the kingdom of Christ in those parts, and the confidence they 
had in the promise, that whosoever shall part with father, etc., 
for my sake and the gospel's, shall receive an hundred fold. 
We were so far from fearing any loss by parting with such de- 
sirable men, as we looked at them as seed sown, which would 
bring us in a plentiful harvest, and we accounted it no small 
honor that God had put upon his poor churches here, that other 
parts of the world should seek to us for help in this kind. For 
about the same time, two of our vessels which had been gone 
near a year, and were much feared to be lost, returned home 
with a good supply of cotton, and brought home letters with 

' Perhaps the reading should be "of upper Norfolke." At any rate the chief 
signers of the letter were magistrates of that county. 


them from Barbadoes and other islands in those parts, intreat- 
ing us to supply them with ministers. But, understanding that 
these people were much infected with famihsm, etc., the elders 
did nothing about it, intending to inquire further by another 
vessel, which was preparing for those parts. 

Mo. 7. (September) 1.] There came letters from the court 
at Connecticut, and from two of the magistrates there, and from 
Mr. Ludlow, near the Dutch, certifying us that the Indians 
all over the country had combined themselves to cut off all the 
English, that the time was appointed after harvest, the manner 
also, they should go by small companies to the chief men's 
houses by way of trading, etc., and should kill them in the 
houses and seize their weapons, and then others should be at 
hand to prosecute the massacre ; and that this was discovered 
by three several Indians, near about the same time and in the 
same manner; one to Mr. Eaton of New Haven, another to 
Mr. Ludlow, and the third to Mr. Haynes. This last being 
hurt near to death by a cart, etc., sent after Mr. Haynes, and 
told him that Englishman's God was angry with him, and had 
set Enghshman's cow to kill him, because he had concealed 
such a conspiracy against the English, and so told him of it, as 
the other two had done. Upon this their advice to us was, that 
it was better to enter into war presently, and begin with them, 
and if we would send 100 men to the river's mouth of Con- 
necticut, they would meet us with a proportionable number. 

Upon these letters, the governor called so many of the mag- 
istrates as were near, and being met, they sent out summons 
for a general court, to be kept six days after, and in the mean 
time, it was thought fit, for our safety, and to strike some ter- 
ror into the Indians, to disarm such as were within our jurisdic- 
tion. Accordingly we sent men to Cutshamekin, at Brain tree, 
to fetch him and his guns, bows, etc., which was done, and he 
came wilhngly, and being late in the night when they came to 
Boston, he was put in the prison ; but the next morning, find- 
ing upon examination of him and divers of his men, no ground 


of suspicion of his partaking in any such conspiracy, he was 

Upon the warrant which went to Ipswich, Rowley, and New- 
bury, to disarm Passaconamy, who hved by Merrimack, they 
sent forth 40 men armed the next day, being the Lord's day. 
But it rained all the day, as it had done divers days before, and 
also after, so as they could not go to his wigwam, but they 
came to his son's and took him, which they had warrant for, 
and a squaw and her child, which they had no warrant for, 
and therefore order was given so soon as we heard of it, to 
send them home again. They, fearing his son's escape, led 
him in a line, but he taking an opportunity, slipped his Une 
and escaped from them, but one very indiscreetly made a shot 
at him, and missed him narrowly. Upon the intelligence of 
these unwarranted proceedings, and considering that Passa- 
conamy would look at it as a manifest injury, (as indeed 
we conceived it to be, and had always shunned to give them 
any just occasion against us,) the court being now assembled, 
we sent Cutshamekin to him to let him know that what was 
done to his son and squaw was without order, and to show him 
the occasion whereupon we had sent to disarm all the Indians, 
and that when we should find that they were innocent of any 
such conspiracy, we would restore all their arms again, and to 
will him also to come speak with us. He returned answer that 
he knew not what was become of his son and his squaw, (for 
one of them was run into the woods and came not again for 
ten days after, and the other was still in custody,) if he had 
them safe again, then he would come to us. Accordingly 
about a fortnight after he sent his eldest son to us, who delivered 
up his guns, etc. 

Mo. 7. {September) 8.] The general court being assembled, 
we considered of the letters and other intelligence from Con- 
necticut, and although the thing seemed very probable, yet 
we thought it not sufficient ground for us to begin a war, for 
it was possible it might be otherwise, and that all this might 


come out of the enmity which had been between Miantunnomoh 
and Onkus, who continually sought to discredit each other with 
the EngUsh. We considered also of the like reports which had 
formerly be-en raised almost every year since we came, and how 
they proved to be but reports raised up by the opposite factions 
among the Indians. Besides we found ourselves in very ill 
case for war, and if we should begin, we must then be forced 
to stand continually upon our guard, and to desert our farms 
and business abroad, and all our trade with the Indians, which 
things would bring us very low; and besides, if upon this in- 
telligence we should kill any of them, or lose any of our own, 
and it should be found after to have been a false report, we 
might provoke God's displeasure, and blemish our wisdom and 
integrity before the heathen. Further it was considered that 
our beginning with them could not secure us against them : we 
might destroy some part of their corn and wigwams, and force 
them to fly into the woods, etc., but the men would be still 
remaining to do us mischief, for they will never fight us in the 
open field. Lastly, it was considered that such as were to be 
sent out in such an expedition were, for the most part, godly, 
and would be as well assured of the justice of the cause as the 
warrant of their call, and then we would not fear their for- 
wardness and courage, but if they should be sent out, not well 
resolved, we might fear the success. 

According to these considerations, we returned answer to 
Connecticut, and withal we sent two men with two interpreters, 
an Enghshman and an Indian, to Miantunnomoh, to let him 
know what intelhgence we had of his drawing the rest of the 
Indians into a confederation against us, and of his purpose 
to make his son sachem of Pequod, and of other things which 
were breaches of the league he made with us, and to desire 
him to come by such a time to give us satisfaction about them. 
If he refused to come, and gave them no satisfactory answer, 
then to let him know that if he -regarded not our friendship, 
he would give us occasion to right ourselves. And instruction 


was given them, that if he gave them occasion, they should 
tell him the reason of our disarming the Indians, and excuse 
the injury done to Passaconamy, to be a mistake and v/ithout 
our order. The messengers coming to him, he carried them 
apart into the woods, taking only one of his chief men with 
him, and gave them very rational answers to all their prop- 
ositions, and promised also to come over to us, which he did 
within the time prefixed. 

When he came, the court was assembled, and before his ad- 
mission, we considered how to treat with him, (for we knew 
him to be a very subtile man,) and agreed upon the points and 
order, and that none should propoimd any thing to him but the 
governor, and if any other of the court had any thing material 
to suggest, he should impart it to the governor. 

Being called in, and mutual salutations passed, he was set 
down at the lower end of the table, over against the governor, 
and had only two or three of his counsellors, and two or three 
of our neighboring Indians, such as he desired, but would not 
speak of any business at any time, before some of his counsel- 
lors were present, alleging, that he would have them present, 
that they might bear witness with him, at his return home, of 
all his sayings. 

In all his answers he was very deliberate and showed good 
understanding in the principles of justice and equity, and 
ingenuity withal. He demanded that his accusers might be 
brought forth, to the end, that if they could not make good 
what they had charged him with, they might suffer what he 
was worthy of, and must have expected, if he had been found 
guilty, viz., death. We answered, we knew them not, nor 
were they within our power, nor would we give credit to them, 
before we had given him knowledge of it, according to our 
agreement with him. He replied, if you did not give credit 
to it, why then did you disarm the Indians. We answered, for 
our security, and because we had been credibly informed that 
some of the eastern Indians had lately robbed divers English- 


men's houses at Saco, and taken away their powder and guns. 
This answer satisfied him. He gave divers reasons, why we 
should hold him free of any such conspiracy, and why we should 
conceive it was a report raised by Onkus, etc., and therefore 
offered to meet Onkus at Connecticut, or rather at Boston, and 
would prove to his face his treachery against the English, etc., 
and told us he would come to us at any time ; for though some 
had dissuaded him, assuring him, that the English would put 
him to death, or keep him in prison, yet he being innocent of 
any ill intention against the English, he knew them to be so 
just, as they would do him no wrong, and told us, that if we 
sent but any Indian to him that he liked, he would come to us, 
and we should not need to send any of our own men. He 
urged much, that those might be punished, who had raised this 
slander, and put it to our consideration what damage it had 
been to him, in that he was forced to keep his men at home, 
and not suffer them to go forth on hunting, etc., till he had 
given the English satisfaction, and the charge and trouble it 
had put the English unto, etc. We spent the better part of 
two days in treating with him, and in conclusion he did ac- 
commodate himself to us to our satisfaction ; only some diffi- 
culty we had, to bring him to desert the Nianticks, if we had 
just cause of war with them. They were, he said, as his own 
flesh, being allied by continual intermarriages, etc. But at last 
he condescended,* that if they should do us wrong, as he could 
not draw them to give us satisfaction for, nor himself could 
satisfy, as if it were for blood, etc., then he would leave them 
to us. 

When we should go to dinner, there was a table provided for 
the Indians, to dine by themselves, and Miantunnomoh was 
left to sit with them. This he was discontented at, and would 
eat nothing, till the governor sent him meat from his table. 
So at night, and all the time he staid, he sat at the lower end 
of the magistrate's table. When he departed, we gave him 

* Agreed. 


and his counsellors coats and tobacco, and when he came to 
take his leave of the governor, and such of the magistrates as 
were present, he returned, and gave his hand to the governor 
again, saying, that was for the rest of the magistrates who were 

The court being adjourned for a few days, till we might hear 
from Miantunnomoh, (it was assembled again at such time as 
he came to Boston,) there came letters from Connecticut, cer- 
tifying us of divers insolencies of the Indians, which so con- 
firmed their minds in believing the former report, as they were 
now resolved to make war upon the Indians, and earnestly 
pressing us to delay no longer to send forth our men to join 
with them, and that they thought they should be forced to 
begin before they could hear from us again. 

Upon receipt of these letters, the governor assembled such 
of the magistrates and deputies as were at hand, and divers of 
the elders also, (for they were then met at Boston upon other 
occasions,) and imparted the letters to them, with other letters 
sent from the governor of Plymouth, intimating some observa- 
tions they had, which made them very much to suspect, that 
there was such a plot in hand, etc. We all sat in consultation 
hereabout all the day, and in the end concluded, 1. That all 
these informations might arise from a false ground, and out of 
the enmity which was between the Naragansett and Monhigen. 
2. Being thus doubtful, it was not a sufficient ground for us 
to war upon them. 3. That all these particular insolencies 
and wrongs ought to be revenged and repaired by course of 
justice, if it might be obtained, otherwise we should never be 
free from war. And accordingly, letters were sent back to our 
brethren at Connecticut, to acquaint them with our opinions, 
and to dissuade them from going forth, alleging how dishonor- 
able it would be to us all, that, while we were upon treaty with 
the Indians, they should make war upon them, for they would 
account their act as our own, seeing we had formerly professed 
to the Indians, that we were all as one, and in our late message 


to Miantunnomoh, had remembered him again of the same, and 
he had answered that he did so account us. Upon receipt of 
this our answer, they forbare to enter into war, but (it seemed) 
unwilhngly, and as not well pleased with us. 

Although we apprehended no danger, yet we continued our 
mihtary watches, till near the end of 8ber (October), and restored 
the Indians all their arms we had taken from them : for although 
we saw it was very dangerous to us, that they should have 
guns, etc., yet we saw not in justice how we could take them 
away, seeing they came lawfully by them, (by trade with the 
French and Dutch for the most part,) and used them only for 
killing of fowl and deer, etc., except they brought themselves 
into the state of an enemy, therefore we thought it better to 
trust God with our safety than to save ourselves by imrighteous- 

At this court we were informed of some English to the 
eastward, who ordinarily traded powder to the Indians, and 
lived alone under no government; whereupon we granted 
warrant to a gentleman, that upon due proof, etc., he should 
take away their powder, leaving them sufficient for their own 

This court also took order, that every town should be fur- 
nished with powder out of the common store, paying for it in 
country commodities; likewise for muskets, and for mihtary 
watches, and alarms, etc. Presently upon this, there arose an 
alarm in the night upon this occasion. (7.) {September) 19. A 
man, travehing late from Dorchester to Watertown, lost his 
way, and being benighted and in a swamp about 10 of the clock, 
hearing some wolves howl, and fearing to be devoured of them, 
he cried out help, help. One that dwelt within hearing, over 

* It is not known what reasons the Connecticut men had at this time for 
fearing an Indian outbreak. Uncas and Miantonomo, sachems respectively 
of the Mohegans and Narragansetts, were unfriendly and intrigued against each 
other. Massachusetts had good reason to be anxious, and no blame can attach 
to the magistrates for watching Miantonomo, who had managed to quiet the 
suspicions of his white neighbors. 


against Cambridge, hallooed to him. The other still cried out, 
which caused the man to fear that the Indians had gotten some 
English man and were torturing him, but not daring to go to 
him, he discharged a piece two or three times. This gave the 
alarm to Watertown, and so it went as far as Salem and Dor- 
chester, but about one or two of the clock no enemy appearing, 
etc., all retired but the watch. 

At this court also, four of Providence, who could not consort 
with Gorton and that company, and therefore were continually 
injured and molested by them, came and offered themselves 
and their lands, etc., to us, and were accepted under our 
government and protection. This we did partly to rescue these 
men from unjust violence, and partly to draw in the rest in 
those parts, either under ourselves or Plymouth, who now lived 
under no government, but grew very offensive, and the place 
was likely to be of use to us, especially if we should have occa- 
sion of sending out against any Indians of Naragansett and 
likewise for an outlet into the Naragansett Bay, and seeing it 
came without our seeking, and would be no charge to us, we 
thought it not wisdom to let it slip.^ 

The English of Southampton, on Long Island, having cer- 
tain intelligence of one of those Indians who murdered Ham- 
mond, who was put ashore there with others, when their 
pinnace was wrecked, sent Captain Howe, and eight or ten 
men to take him. He being in the wigwam, ran out, and with 
his knife wounded one of the English in the breast, and so 
behaved himself as they were forced to kill him. 

22.] The court, with advice of the elders, ordered a general 
fast. The occasions were, 1. The ill news we had out of Eng- 
land concerning the breach between the king and parliament. 
2. The danger of the Indians. 3. The unseasonable weather, 

^ The settlement at Providence was anything but a happy family. The 
more moderate spirits were sometimes outraged; it was soon found that there 
must be limits to tolerance. The action of the four Providence men, which gave 
Massachusetts pretext for a protectorate, was taken in accordance with the 
advice recorded on p. 53, ante. 


the rain having continued so long, viz. near a fortnight together, 
scarce one fair day, and much com and hay spoiled, though 
indeed it proved a blessing to us, for it being with warm east- 
erly winds, it brought the Indian corn to maturity, which other- 
wise would not have been ripe, and it pleased God, that so soon 
as the fast was agreed upon, the weather changed, and proved 
fair after. 

At this court, the propositions sent from Connecticut, about 
a combination, etc., were read, and referred to a committee to 
consider of after the court, who meeting, added some few cau- 
tions and new articles, and for the taking in of Plymouth, (who 
were now wiUing,) and Sir Ferdinando Gorges' province, and 
so returned them back to Connecticut, to be considered upon 
against the spring, for winter was now approaching, and there 
could be no meeting before, etc. 

The sudden fall of land and cattle, and the scarcity of foreign 
commodities, and money, etc., with the thin access of people 
from England, put many into an unsettled frame of spirit, so 
as they concluded there would be no subsisting here, and 
accordingly they began to hasten away, some to the West 
Indies, others to the Dutch, at Long Island, etc., (for the gov- 
ernor there invited them by fair offers,) and others back for 
England. Among others who returned thither, there was one 
of the magistrates, Mr. Humfrey, and four ministers, and a 
schoolmaster. These would needs go against all advice, and 
had a fair and speedy voyage, till they came near England, 
all which time, three of the ministers, with the schoolmaster, 
spake reproachfully of the people and of the country, but the 
wind coming up against them, they were tossed up and down, 
being in lOber (December), so long till their provisions and 
other necessaries were near spent, and they were forced to strait 
allowance, yet at length the wind coming fair again, they got 
into the Sleeve,^ but then there arose so great a tempest at 
S. E. as they could bear no sail, and so were out of hope of 

^ The English Channel, Fr. La Manche. 


being saved (being in the night also). Then they humbled 
themselves before the Lord, and acknowledged God's hand to 
be justly out against them for speaking evil of this good land 
and the Lord's people here, etc. Only one of them, Mr. 
Phillips of Wrentham, in England, had not joined with the 
rest, but spake well of the people, and of the country; upon 
this it pleased the Lord to spare their lives, and when they 
expected every moment to have been dashed upon the rocks, 
(for they were hard by the Needles,) he turned the wind so as 
they were carried safe to the Isle of Wight by St. Helen's: 
yet the Lord followed them on shore. Some were exposed 
to great straits and foimd no entertainment, their friends for- 
saking them. One had a daughter that presently ran mad, 
and two other of his daughters, being under ten years of age, 
were discovered to have been often abused by divers lewd 
persons, and filthiness in his family. The schoolmaster had no 
sooner hired an house, and gotten in some scholars, but the 
plague set in, and took away two of his own children. 

Others who went to other places, upon like grounds, suc- 
ceeded no better. They fled for fear of want, and many of 
them fell into it, even to extremity, as if they had hastened into 
the misery which they feared and fled from, besides the depriv- 
ing themselves of the ordinances and church fellowship, and 
those civil hberties which they enjoyed here; whereas, such 
as staid in their places, kept their peace and ease, and enjoyed 
still the blessing of the ordinances, and never tasted of those 
troubles and miseries, which they heard to have befallen those 
who departed. Much disputation there was about liberty of 
removing for outward advantages, and all ways were sought 
for an open door to get out at; but it is to be feared many 
crept out at a broken wall. For such as come together into a 
wilderness, where are nothing but wild beasts and beastlike 
men, and there confederate together in civil and church estate, 
whereby they do, implicitly at least, bind themselves to support 
each other, and all of them that society, whether civil or sacred, 


whereof they are members, how they can break from this with- 
out free consent, is hard to find, so as may satisfy a tender or 
good conscience in time of trial. Ask thy conscience, if thou 
wouldst have plucked up thy stakes, and brought thy family 
3000 miles, if thou hadst expected that all, or most, would 
have forsaken thee there. Ask again, what liberty thou hast 
towards others, which thou likest not to allow others towards 
thyself; for if one may go, another may, and so the greater 
part, and so church and commonwealth may be left destitute 
in a wilderness, exposed to misery and reproach, and all for thy 
ease and pleasure, whereas these all, being now thy brethren, as 
near to thee as the Israelites were to Moses, it were much safer 
for thee, after his example, to choose rather to suffer affliction 
with thy brethren, than to enlarge thy ease and pleasure by 
furthering the occasion of their ruin.* 

Nine bachelors commenced at Cambridge ; they were young 
men of good hope, and performed their acts, so as gave good 
proof of their proficiency in the tongues and arts. (8.) {Octo- 
ber) 5. The general court had settled a government or super- 
intendency over the college, viz., all the magistrates and elders 
over the six nearest churches and the president, or the greatest 
part of these. Most of them were now present at this first com- 
mencement, and dined at the college with the scholars' ordi- 
nary commons, which was done of purpose for the students' 
encouragement, etc., and it gave good content to all.^ 

At this commencement, complaint was made to the gov- 
ernors of two young men, of good quality, lately come out of 
England, for foul misbehavior, in swearing and ribaldry 

^ A pathetic outpouring from the fatheriy heart of Winthrop over his straitened 
and apparently disintegrating colony. 

^ This entry relates to the first commencement at Cambridge. The college 
was founded in 1636. Nowhere in the Journal is there mention of the benefac- 
tion of John Harvard. The act of 1642 vested the government in all the magis- 
trates of the jurisdiction {i. e., of Massachusetts), the teaching elders of the six 
nearest towns, and the president. One of the nine who were graduated was the 
celebrated George Downing. 


speeches, etc., for which, though they were adulti, they 
were corrected in the college, and sequestered, etc., for a 

6.] Here came in a French shallop with some 14 men, 
whereof one was La Tour his lieutenant. They brought letters 
from La Tour to the governor, full of compliments, and desire 
of assistance from us against Monsieur D'Aulnay. They 
staid here about a week, and were kindly entertained, and 
though they were papists, yet they came to our church meet- 
ing; and the heutenant seemed to be much affected to find 
things as he did, and professed he never saw so good order 
in any place. One of the elders gave him a French testament 
with Marlorat's notes, which he kindly accepted, and promised 
to read it.^ 

13.] Six ships went hence, laden with pipe staves and other 
commodities of this country; four went a little before. Of 
these, four were built in the country this year. Thus God pro- 
vided for us beyond expectation. 

6.] Mention is made before of the white hills, discovered 
by one Darby Field. The report he brought of shining stones, 
etc., caused divers others to travel thither, but they found 
nothing worth their pains. Amongst others, Mr. Gorge and 
Mr. Vines, two of the magistrates of Sir Ferdinand Gorge his 
province, went thither about the end of this month. They 
went up Saco river in birch canoes, and that way, they foimd 
it 90 miles to Pegwagget, an Indian town,^ but by land it is but 
60. Upon Saco river, they found many thousand acres of rich 
meadow, but there are ten falls, which hinder boats, etc. From 
the Indian town, they went up hill (for the most part) about 
30 miles in woody lands, then they went about 7 or 8 miles 

* La Tour and d'Aulnay, already mentioned as agents under the Chevalier 
Rasilly, for superintending the French claim to the eastward. They had quar- 
relled, and their English neighbors, as we shall see, were for years much embar- 
rassed by them. The Huguenot commentator, Augustin Marlorat (1506-1563), 
is the writer alluded to. 

^ Pigwacket, or Pequawket, is now Fryeburg, Maine. 


upon shattered rocks, without tree or grass, very steep all the 
way. At the top is a plain about 3 or 4 miles over, all shattered 
stones, and upon that is another rock or spire, about a mile 
in height, and about an acre of ground at the top. At the top 
of the plain arise four great rivers, each of them so much water, 
at the first issue, as would drive a mill ; Connecticut river from 
two heads, at the N. W. and S. W. which join in one about 
60 miles off, Saco river on the S. E., Amascoggen which runs 
into Casco Bay at the N. E., and Kennebeck, at the N. by E. 
The mountain runs E. and W. 30 or 40 miles, but the peak is 
above all the rest. They went and returned in 15 days. 

8. (October) 18.] All the elders met at Ipswich; they took 
into consideration the book which was committed to them by 
the general court, and were much different in their judgments 
about it, but at length they agreed upon this answer in effect.* 

Whereas in the book, there were three propositions laid 
down, and then the application of them to the standing council, 
and then the arguments enforcing the same: the propositions 
were these: — 

1. In a commonwealth, rightly and religiously constituted, 
there is no power, office, administration, or authority, but such 
as are commanded and ordained of God. 

2. The powers, offices, and administrations that are or- 
dained of God, as aforesaid, being given, dispensed, and erected 
in a Christian commonwealth by his good providence, propor- 
tioned by his rule to their state and condition, established by 
his power against all opposition, carried on and accompanied 
with his presence and blessing, ought not to be by them either 
changed or altered, but upon such grounds, for such ends, 
in that manner, and only so far as the mind of God may be 
manifested therein. 

3. The mind of God is never manifested concerning the 
change or alteration of any civil ordinance, erected or estab- 

*The Body of Lawes now comes in to give form and definiteness to the 


lished by him as aforesaid in a Christian commonwealth, so long 
as all the cases, counsels, services, and occasions thereof may 
be duly and fully ended, ordered, executed, and performed 
without any change or alteration of government. 

In their answer they allowed the said propositions to be 
sound, with this distinction in the 1st. viz. That all lawful 
powers are ordained, etc., either expressly or by consequence, 
by particular examples or by general rules. 

In the applications they distinguished between a standing 
council invested with a kind of transcendent authority beyond 
other magistrates, or else any kind of standing council distinct 
from magistrates ; the former they seem imphcitly to disallow ; 
the latter they approve as necessary for us, not disproportiona- 
ble to our estate, nor of any dangerous consequence for dis- 
union among the magistrates, or factions among the people, 
which were the arguments used by the author against our 
council. Some passages they wish had been spared, and other 
things omitted, which, if suppHed, might have cleared some 
passages, which may seem to reflect upon the present councils, 
which they do think not to be of that moment, but that the 
uprightness of his intentions considered, and the liberty given 
for advice, according to the rules of religion, peace, and pru- 
dence, they would be passed by. 

Lastly, they declare their present thoughts about the mould- 
ing and perfecting of a council, in four rules. 

1. That all the magistrates, by their calling and oflSce, to- 
gether with the care of judicature, are to consult for the provi- 
sion, protection, and universal welfare of the commonwealth. 

2. Some select men taken out from the assistants, or other 
freemen, being called thereunto, be in especial, to attend by 
way of council, for the provision, protection, and welfare of the 

3. This council, as counsellors, have no power of judicature. 

4. In cases of instant danger to the commonwealth, in the 
interim, before a general court can be called, (which were meet 


to be done with all speed,) what shall be consented unto and 
concluded by this council, or the major part of them, together 
with the consent of the magistrates, or the major part of them, 
may stand good and firm till the general com't. 

9. (November) 7.] Some of our merchants sent a pinnace to 
trade with La Tour in St. John's river. He welcomed them 
very kindly, and wrote to our governor letters very gratulatory 
for his lieutenant's entertainment, etc., and withal a relation 
of the state of the controversy between himself and Monsieur 
D'Aulnay. In their return they met with D'Aulnay at Pema- 
quid, who wrote also to our governor, and sent him a printed 
copy of the arrest* against La Tour, and threatened us, that if 
any of our vessels came to La Tour, he would make prize of 

22.] The village at the end of Charlestown bounds was 
called Woburn, where they had gathered a church, and this 
day Mr. Carter was ordained their pastor, with the assistance 
of the elders of other churches. Some difference there was 
about his ordination; some advised, in regard they had no 
elder of their own, nor any members very fit to solemnize such 
an ordinance, they would desire some of the elders of the other 
churches to have performed it ; but others supposing it might 
be an occasion of introducing a dependency of churches, etc., 
and so a presbytery, would not allow it. So it was performed 
by one of their own members, but not so well and orderly as 
it ought.^ 

Divers houses were burnt this year, by drying flax. Among 
others, one Briscoe, of Watertown, a rich man, a tanner, who 
had refused to let his neighbor have leather for com, saying he 
had com enough, had his barn, and com, and leather, etc., 
burnt, to the value of 200 pounds. 

Mr. Larkam of Northam, ahas Dover, suddenly discovering 

* Arret, decree. 

^ The ceremony is described with much fulness in a noted passage, book ii., 
ch. 22, of The W onder-W orking Providence of Sion's Saviour in New England, 
by Captain Edward Johnson of Woburn, one of the chief participants. 


a purpose to go to England, and fearing to be dissuaded by his 
people, gave them his faithful promise not to go, but yet soon 
after he got on ship board, and so departed. It was time for 
him to be gone, for not long after a widow which kept in his 
house, being a very handsome woman, and about 50 years of 
age, proved to be with child, and being examined, at first 
refused to confess the father, but in the end she laid it to Mr. 
Larkam. Upon this the church of Dover looked out for another 
elder, and wrote to the elders to desire their help. 

There arrived at Boston a small ship from the Madeiras with 
wine and sugar, etc., which were presently sold for pipe staves, 
and other commodities of the country, which were returned 
to the Madeiras: but the merchant himself, one Mr. Parish, 
staid divers months after. He had hved at the Madeiras 
many years among the priests and Jesuits, who told him, when 
he was to come hither, that those of New England were the 
worst of all heretics, and that they were the cause of the 
troubles in England, and of the pulling down the bishops there.* 
When he went away, he blessed God for bringing him hither, 
professing that he would not lose what he had gotten in New 
England for all the wealth in the world. He went away in 
a pinnace built here intending a speedy return. By the way 
his pinnace (being calked in the winter) proved very leaky, so 
as all the seamen, being tired out with pumping, gave her 
over, but Mr. Parish continued the pump, and so kept her up, 
till it pleased God they espied land, and so they came safe to 

10 (December).] Those of the lower part of the river Pas- 
cataquack invited one Mr. James Parker of Weymouth, a godly 
man and a scholar, one who had been many years a deputy for 
the public court, to be their minister. He, by advice of divers 
of the magistrates and elders, accepted the call, and went and 
taught among them this winter, and it pleased God to give 

* A testimony from foreign parts as to the prevalence in Old England of the 
"New England way," during tlxe Civil War, 


great success to his labors, so as above 40 of them, whereof 
the most had been very profane, and some of them professed 
enemies to the way of our churches, wrote to the magistrates 
and elders, acknowledging the sinful course they had lived in, 
and bewailing the same, and blessing God for calling them out 
of it, and earnestly desiring that Mr. Parker might be settled 
amongst them. Most of them fell back again in time, em- 
bracing this present world. 

This winter was the greatest snow we had, since we came 
into the country, but it lay not long, and the frost was more 
moderate than in some other winters. 


12 (February).] News came out of England, by two fishing 
ships, of the civil wars there between the king and the parlia- 
ment, whereupon the churches kept divers days of humiliation. 
But some of the magistrates were not satisfied about the often 
reiteration of them for the same cause, but they would not 
contend with the elders about it, but left the churches to their 

1. (March) 5.] At 7 in the morning, being the Lord's day, 
there was a great earthquake. It came with a rumbling noise 
like the former, but through the Lord's mercy it did no harm. 

The churches held a different course in raising the ministers' 
maintenance. Some did it by way of taxation, which was very 
offensive to some. Amongst others, one Briscoe of Water- 
town, who had his barn burnt, as before mentioned, being 
grieved with that course in their town, the rather because him- 
self and others, who were no members, were taxed, wrote a 
book against it, wherein, besides his arguments, which were 
naught, he cast reproach upon the elders and officers. This 
book he pubhshed underhand, which occasioned much stir in 
the town. At length, he and two more were convented before 
the court, where he acknowledged his fault in those reproachful 
speeches, and in publishing it, whereas it had been his duty to 
have acquainted the court or magistrates with his grievance, 
etc., (but for the arguments in the point, there was nothing 
required of him,) and was fined 10 pounds for that, and some 
slighting of the court, and one of the publishers, 40 shillings. 

Corn was very scarce all over the country, so as by the end 
of the 2d month, many families in most towns had none to eat, 
but were forced to live of clams, muscles, cataos, dry fish, etc., 
and sure this came by the just hand of the Lord, to punish 



our ingratitude and covetousness. For corn being plenty divers 
years before, it was so undervalued, as it would not pass for 
any commodity: if one offered a shop keeper corn for any 
thing, his answer would be, he knew not what to do with it. 
So for laborers and artificers ; but now they would have done 
any work, or parted with any commodity, for corn. And the 
husbandman, he now made his advantage, for he would part 
with no corn, for the most part, but for ready money or for 
cattle, at such a price as should be 12d. in the bushel more to 
him than ready money. And indeed it was a very sad thing 
to see how little of a public spirit appeared in the country, but 
of self-love too much. Yet there were some here and there, 
who were men of another spirit, and were willing to abridge 
themselves, that others might be supplied. The immediate 
causes of this scarcity were the cold and wet summer, especially 
in the time of the first harvest ; also, the pigeons came in such 
flocks, (above 10,000 in one flock,) that beat down, and eat 
up a very great quantity of all sorts of English grain; much 
corn spent in setting out the ships, ketches, etc. ; lastly, there 
were such abundance of mice in the barns, that devoured much 
there. The mice also did much spoil in orchards, eating off 
the bark at the bottom of the fruit trees in the time of the 
snow, so as never had been known the like spoil in any former 
winter. So many enemies doth the Lord arm against our daily 
bread, that we might know we are to eat it in the sweat of our 

1. (March) 30.] The Trial, Mr. Coytmore master, arrived, 
and a week after one of the ketches. He sailed first to Fayal, 
where he found an extraordinary good market for his pipe 
staves and fish. He took wine and sugar, etc., and sailed 
thence to Christophers in the West Indies, where he put off 
some of his wine for cotton and tobacco, etc., and for iron, which 
the islanders had saved of the ships which were there cast away. 
He obtained hcense, also, of the governor. Sir Thomas Warner, 
to take up what ordnance, anchors, etc., he could, and was to 


have the one half; and by the help of a diving tub, he took 
up 50 guns, and anchors, and cables, which he brought home, 
and some gold and silver also, which he got by trade, and so, 
thi'ough the Lord's blessing, they made a good voyage, which 
did much encourage the merchants, and made wine and sugar 
and cotton very plentiful, and cheap, in the country. 

Two ketches also, which were gone to the West Indies for 
cotton, etc., arrived safe not long after, and made return with 
profit. Another ship also, called the Increase, sent to the Ma- 
deiras, returned safe, and two other ships, after, though they 
went among the Turks. 

There was a piece of justice executed at New Haven, which, 
being the first in that kind, is not unworthy to be recorded. Mr. 
Malbon, one of the magistrates there, had a daughter about 
[blank] years of age, which was openly whipped, her father 
joining in the sentence. The cause was thus.^ 

The wife of one Onion of Roxbury died in great despair: 
she had been a servant there, and was very stubborn and self- 
willed. After she was married, she proved very worldly, 
aiming at great matters. Her first child was still-born, through 
her unruUness and falling into a fever. She fell withal into 
great horror and trembling, so as it shooK the room, etc., and 
crying out of her torment, and of her stubbornness and impro- 
fitableness imder the means, and her lying to her dame in deny- 
ing somewhat that in liquorishness she had taken away, and 
of her worldliness, saying that she neglected her spiritual good 
for a httle worldly trash, and now she must go to everlasting 
torments, and exhorted others to take heed of such evils, etc., 
and still crying out 0! ten thousand worlds for one drop of 
Christ, etc. After she had then been silent a few hours, she 
began to speak again, and being exhorted to consider of God's 
infinite mercy, etc., she gave still this answer, "I cannot for my 
life," and so died. 

1 Winthrop has left a blank space in the manuscript, in which to insert the 
explanation, but does not give it, 


The three ministers which were sent to Virginia, viz., Mr. 
Tompson, Mr. Knolles, and Mr. James from New Haven, de- 
parted (8) {October) 7. and were eleven weeks before they ar- 
rived. They lay windbound sometime at Aquiday: then, as 
they passed Hellgate between Long Island and the Dutch, their 
pinnace was bilged upon the rocks, so as she was near foundered 
before they could run on the next shore. The Dutch governor, 
gave them slender entertainment; but Mr. Allerton of New 
Haven, ^ being there, took great pains and care for them, 
and procured them a very good pinnace and all things neces- 
sary. So they set sail in the dead of winter, and had much 
foul weather, so as with great difficulty and danger they arrived 
safe in Virginia. Here they found very loving and liberal 
entertainment, and were bestowed in several places, not by the 
governor, but by some well disposed people who desired their 
company. In their way the difficulties and dangers, which they 
were continually exercised with, put them to some question 
whether their call were of God or not; but so soon as they 
arrived there and had been somewhat refreshed, Mr. Tompson 
wrote back, that being a very melancholic man and of a crazy 
body, he found his health so repaired, and his spirit so enlarged, 
etc., as he had not been in the like condition since he came to 
New England. But this was to strengthen him for a greater 
trial, for his wife, a godly young woman, and a comfortable 
help to him, being left behind with a company of small chil- 
dren, was taken away by death, and all his children scattered, 
but well disposed of among his godly friends. 

4. {June) 20.] Mr. Knolles returned from Virginia, and 
brought letters from his congregation and others there to our 
elders, which were openly read in Boston at a lecture, whereby 
it appeared that God had greatly blessed their ministry there, 
so as the people's hearts were much inflamed with desire 
after the ordinances, and though the state did silence the 
ministers, because they would not conform to the order of 

* Isaac Allerton, formerly of Plymouth. 


England/ yet the people resorted to them in private houses 
to hear them as before. 

There fell out hot wars between the Dutch and the Indians 
thereabout. The occasion was this. An Indian, being drunk, 
had slain an old Dutchman. The Dutch required the murderer, 
but he could not be had. The people called often upon the 
governor to take revenge, but he still put it off, either for 
that he thought it not just, or not safe, etc. It fell out that 
the Mowhawks, a people that live upon or near Hudson's 
river, either upon their own quarrel, or rather, as the report 
went, being set on by the Dutch, came suddenly upon the 
Indians near the Dutch and killed about 30 of them, the rest 
fled for shelter to the Dutch. One Marine, a Dutch captain, 
hearing of it, goeth to the governor,^ and obtains commission of 
him to kill so many as he could of them, and accordingly went 
with a company of armed men, and setting upon them, fearing 
no ill from the Dutch, he slew about 70 or 80 men, women and 
children. Upon this the Indians burnt divers of their farm 
houses and their cattle in them, and slew all they could meet 
with, to the number of 20 or more, of men, women and children, 
and pressed so hard upon the Dutch, even home to their fort, 
that they were forced to call in the English to their aid, and 
entertained Captain Underbill, etc., which Marine, the Dutch 
captain, took so ill, seeing the governor to prefer him before 
himself, that he presented his pistol at the governor, but was 
staid by a stander-by. Then a tenant of Marine discharged 
his musket at the governor, but missed him narrowly, where- 
upon the sentinel, by the governor's command, shot that 
fellow presently dead. His head was set upon the gallows, 
and the captain was sent prisoner into Holland. The people, 
also, were so offended at the governor for the damage they 
now sustained by the Indians, though they were all for war be- 
fore, that the governor durst not trust himself among them, 

^ By act of assembly, forbidding non-conformist worship. 
2 William Kieft. 


but entertained a guard of 50 English about his person, and 
the Indians did so annoy them by sudden assaults out of the 
swamps, etc., that he was forced to keep a running army to be 
ready to oppose them upon all occasions. 

The Indians also of Long Island took part with their neigh- 
bors upon the main, and as the Dutch took away their com, 
etc., so they fell to burning the Dutch houses. But these, by 
the mediation of Mr. Williams, who was then there to go in a 
Dutch ship for England, were pacified, and peace re-established 
between the Dutch and them.^ At length they came to an 
accord of peace with the rest of the Indians also. 

23.] One John Cook, an honest young man, being in his 
master's absence to salute a ship, etc., in the vanity of his mind 
thought to make the gun give a great report, and accordingly 
said to some, that he would make her speak. Overcharging 
her, she brake all into small pieces and scattered round about 
some men a flight shot off. Himself was killed, but no hurt 
found about him, but only one hand cut off and beaten a good 
distance from the place where he .stood. And there appeared 
a special providence of God in it, for although there were 
many people up and down, yet none was hurt, nor was any 
near the gun when she was fired, whereas usually they gather 
thither on such occasions. 

One of our ships, the Seahridge, arrived with 20 children and 
some other passengers out of England, and 300 pounds worth of 
goods purchased with the country's stock, given by some friends 
in England the year before; and those children, with many 
more to come after, were sent by money given one fast day in 
London, and allowed by the parliament and city for that purpose. 

The house of commons also made an order in our favor, 
which was sent us under the hand of H. Elsynge, Cler. Pari. 
D. C to this effect, viz. Veneris' 10 Martii 1642. 

* A characteristic service from Roger Williams. 

^ Clericus Parliamenti Domus Communis, i, e,, clerk of the House of Commons. 

' /. e., Die Veneris, or Friday, March 10, 1642/3. 


Whereas the plantations in New England have, by the blessing of 
Almighty God, had good and prosperous success without any charge 
to this state, and are now likely to prove very happy for the propagation 
of the gospel in those parts, and very beneficial and commodious for this 
kingdom and nation, the commons now assembled in parliament do, for 
the better advancement of these plantations and encouragement of the 
planters, etc., ordain that all merchandizes, goods exported, etc., into 
New England to be spent, used or employed there, or being of the growth 
of that country, shall be imported hither, or put aboard to be spent, etc., 
in the voyage going or returning, and all and every the owners thereof, be 
free of all custom, etc., in England and New England, and all other ports, 
until this house shall take further order. This to be observed and al- 
lowed by all officers and persons whatsoever upon showing forth of this 
order, signed by the said clerk, without any other warrant. 

Our general court, upon receipt of this order, caused the 
same, with our humble and thankful acknowledgment of so 
great a favor from that honorable assembly, to be entered ver- 
batim among our records, in perpetuam rei memoriam. 

One Richard [blank,] servant to one [bla7ik] Williams of 
Dorchester, being come out of service, fell to work at his own 
hand and took great wages above others, and would not 
work but for ready money. By this means in a year, or little 
more, he had scraped together about 25 pounds, and then 
returned with his prey into England, speaking evil of the coun- 
try by the way. He was not gone far, after his arrival, but the 
cavaliers met him and eased liim of his money ; so he knew no 
better way but to return to New England again, to repair his 
loss in that place which he had so much disparaged. 

Mo. 3. (May) 10.] Our court of elections was held, when 
Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, pastor of the church in Rowley, preached. 
He was called to it by a company of freemen, whereof the most 
were deputies chosen for the court, appointed, by order of the 
last court, to meet at Salem about nomination of some to be 
put to the vote for the new magistrates. Mr. Rogers, hearing 
what exception was taken to this call, as unwarrantable, wrote 
to the governor for advice, etc., who returned him answer: 


That he did account his calling not to be sufficient, yet the 
magistrates were not minded to strive with the deputies about 
it, but seeing it was noised in the country, and the people 
would expect him, and that he had advised with the magis- 
trates about it, he wished him to go on. In his sermon he de- 
scribed how the man ought to be quaUfied whom they should 
choose for their governor, yet dissuaded them earnestly from 
choosing the same man twice together, and expressed his dis- 
like of that with such vehemency as gave offence. But when 
it came to trial, the former governor, Mr. Winthrop, was chosen 
again, and two new magistrates, Mr. Wilham Hibbins and Mr. 
Samuel Simons. 

At this court came the commissioners from Plymouth, Con- 
necticut and New Haven, viz., from Plymouth Mr. Edward 
Winslow and Mr. Collier, from Connecticut Mr. Haynes and 
Mr. Hopkins, with whom Mr. Fen wick of Saybrook joined, 
from New Haven Mr. Theophilus Eaton and Mr. Grigson. 
Our court chose a committee to treat with them, viz., the gov- 
ernor and Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Bradstreet, being of the mag- 
istrates; and of the deputies. Captain Gibbons, Mr. Tyng 
the treasurer, and Mr. Hathom.^ These coming to consul- 
tation encountered some difficulties, but being all desirous 
of union and studious of peace, they readily jdelded each to 
other in such things as tended to common utility, etc., so as in 
some two or three meetings they lovingly accorded upon these 
ensuing articles, which, being allowed by our court, and signed 
by all the commissioners, were sent to be also ratified by the 
general courts of other jurisdictions; only Plymouth commis- 
sioners, having power only to treat, but not to determine, de- 

* The men mentioned in this entry were of the highest repute in their respective 
colonies, as was proper, since the business in hand was as grave as any in which 
New Englanders were ever concerned. Thomas Grigson and William Tyng are 
the only ones not heretofore described. The former was perhaps, next to Theo- 
philus Eaton, the chief citizen of New Haven, where he was treasurer. The 
latter filled the same office in Massachusetts, was one of the richest men in the 
community, and though not a magistrate, was for eight successive terms a deputy. 


ferred the signing of them till they came home, but soon after 
they were ratified by their general court also.* 

Those of Sir Ferdinando Gorge his province, beyond 
Pascataquack, were not received nor called into the con- 
federation, because they ran a different course from us both 
in their ministry and civil administration; for they had 
lately made Acomenticus (a poor village) a corporation, and 
had made a taylor their mayor, and had entertained one Hull, 
an excommunicated person and very contentious, for their 

At this court of elections there arose a scruple about the oath 
which the governor and the rest of the magistrates were to 
take, viz., about the first part of it : ''You shall bear true faith 
and allegiance to our sovereign Lord King Charles," seeing he 
had violated the privileges of parliament, and made war upon 
them, and thereby had lost much of his kingdom and many of 
his subjects; whereupon it was thought fit to omit that part of 
it for the present. 

About this time two plantations began to be settled upon 
Merrimack, Pentuckett called Haverill, and Cochichawick 
called Andover. 

* No event of our early history is more significant than the confederation of 
the four colonies, Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven, a 
distinct foreshadowing of the great American Union. Its importance has been 
emphasized by all our historians. The league, a precedent for which was the 
federation of the states of the Netherlands, was initiated by Connecticut and 
New Haven, which, more exposed to pressure than their brethren farther east, the 
Dutch on the Hudson elbowing sharply and the most formidable savages being 
close at hand, sought support from their friends longer established. It must be 
carefully noted that not all the English were included. The enterprises of Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges were, as always, looked upon askance for reasons which 
Winthrop assigns, as were also the undertakings at Providence and Aquidneck. 
The independent spirit which breathes through the document is unmistakable, and 
has been referred to by both liberal and tory historians, the one side approving, 
the other condemning. About this time, says Palfrey (I. 633), the English 
Parliament appoints a commission for colonial government, the terms used im- 
plying an understanding quite different from that of the colonists: in fact the 
Parliament of 1643 was disposed to be scarcely less arbitrary than the King, or 
the later Parliament of George III. 


The articles of confederation between the plantations under 
the government of the Massachusetts, the plantations under 
the government of New Plymouth, the plantations under the 
government of Connecticut and the government of New Haven, 
with the plantations in combination therewith: 

Whereas we all came into these parts of America with one and the 
same end and aim, namely, to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, and to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity with peace: and 
whereas by our settling, by the wise providence of God, we are further 
dispersed upon the seacoasts and rivers than was at first intended, so that 
we cannot, according to our desire, with convenience communicate in 
one government and jurisdiction: and whereas we live encompassed with 
people of several nations and strange languages, which hereafter may 
prove injurious to us or our posterity; and for as much as the natives have 
formerly committed sundry insolences and outrages upon several planta- 
tions of the English, and have of late combined themselves against us, 
and seeing by reason of the sad distractions in England, (which they have 
heard of,) and by which they know we are hindered both from that 
humble way of seeking advice, and reaping those comfortable fruits of 
protection, which at other times we might well expect; we therefore do 
conceive it our bounden duty, without delay, to enter into a present 
consociation amongst ourselves for'mutual help and strength in all future 
concernment, that, as in nation and religion, so in other respects, we be 
and continue one, according to the tenor and true meaning of the ensuing 
articles, — 

L Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded between the parties 
above named, and they jointly and severally do, by these presents, agree 
and conclude that they all be, and henceforth be called by the name 
of the United Colonies of New England. 

2. These united colonies, for themselves and their posterities, do 
jointly and severally hereby enter into a firm and perpetual league of 
friendship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual advice and succor 
upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and 
liberties of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare. 

3. It is further agreed, that the plantations which at present are, 
or hereafter shall be settled within the limits of the Massachusetts, shall 
be forever under the government of the Massachusetts, and shall have 
peculiar jurisdiction amongst themselves in all cases as an entire body; 
and that Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, shall each of them 


j0 %^' III ^ 



j/»^* ,/ // «Jiil^J Ij- „^ ^iTJ^ ^ gf fofuXtOn //f"' ^»T »»-JJf^ife/i<»«/ •^^ h^ST^^^ /^^.0.» /"p"^^ 3 
• »nAfK,p ^Ann/v .muiv0 'aiit.i^ lUlt&r- itn,^ .ip .-..ll ..../ ^1 A^t/' ^ i. . . :. - C ^ ../_..- // 

•«^ /W»^ t«Ar ;'«^A 'i.ViwJ^ ^/f^^r 


From the manuscript in the Connecticut State House 


exceeding the number hereby agreed, they may crave help thence, and 
seek no further for the present; the charge to be borne as in this article 
is expressed, and at their return to be victualled, and supplied with powder 
and shot, if there be need, for their journey, by that jurisdiction which 
employed or sent for them; but none of the jurisdictions to exceed these 
numbers till by a meeting of the commissioners for this confederation a 
greater aid appear necessary; and this proportion to continue till upon 
knowledge of the numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought 
to the next meeting, some other proportion be ordered. But in any such 
case of sending men for present aid, whether before or after such order 
or alteration, it is agreed that at the meeting of the commissioners for 
this confederation, the cause of such war or invasion be duly considered, 
and if it appear that the fault lay in the party invaded, that then that 
jurisdiction or plantation make just satisfaction both to the invaders 
whom they have injured, and bear all the charge of the war themselves 
without requiring any allowance from the rest of the confederates towards 
the same. And further, that if any jurisdiction see any danger of an 
invasion approaching, and there be time for a meeting, that in such case 
three magistrates of that jurisdiction may summons a meeting at such 
convenient place as themselves shall think meet, to consider and provide 
against the threatened danger; provided when they are met, they may 
remove to what place they please: only while any of these four confed- 
erates have but three magistrates in their jurisdiction, a request or sum- 
mons from any two of them shall be accounted of equal force with the 
three mentioned in both the clauses of this article, till there may be an 
increase of magistrates there. 

6. It is also agreed, that for the managing and concluding of all 
affairs peculiar to and concerning the whole confederation, commissioners 
shall be chosen by and out of each of these four jurisdictions, viz., two 
for the Massachusetts, two for Plymouth, two for Connecticut, and two 
for New Haven, all in church fellowship with us, which shall bring full 
power from their several general courts respectively, to hear, examine, 
weigh, and determine all affairs of war or peace, leagues, aids, charges, 
and numbers of men for war, division of spoils, or whatever is gotten by 
conquest; receiving of more confederates or plantations into the combina- 
tion with any of these confederates, and all things of like nature which 
are the proper concomitants or consequents of such a confederation for 
amity, offence and defence, not intermeddling with the government of 
any of the jurisdictions, which by the 3d article is preserved entirely to 
themselves. But if those eight commissioners, when they meet, shall not 
agree, yet it is concluded that any six of the eight, agreeing, shall have 


power to settle and determine the business in question; but if six do not 
agree, that then such propositions, with their reasons, so far as they have 
been debated, be sent and referred to the four general courts, viz., the 
Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven: and if at all 
the said general courts the business so referred be concluded, then to be 
prosecuted by the confederation and all their members. It is further 
agreed, that these eight commissioners shall meet once every year (besides 
extraordinary meetings according to the 5th article) to consider, treat, 
and conclude of all affairs belonging to this confederation, which meeting 
shall ever be the first Thursday in 7ber. (September), and that the next 
meeting after the date of these presents (which shall be accounted the 
second meeting) shall be at Boston in the Massachusetts, the third at 
Hartford, the fourth at New Haven, the fifth at Plymouth, the sixth and 
seventh at Boston, and so in course successively, if in the meantime some 
middle place be not found out and agreed upon, which may be com- 
modious for all the jurisdictions. 

7. It is further agreed, that at each meeting of these eight commis- 
sioners, whether ordinary or extraordinary, they all, or any six of them 
agreeing as before, may choose their president out of themselves, whose 
office and work shall be to take care and direct for order and a comely 
carrying on of all proceedings in their present meeting, but he shall be 
invested with no such power or respect, as by which he shall hinder the 
propounding or progress of any business, or any way cast the scales 
otherwise than in the preceding articles is agreed. 

8. It is also agreed, that the commissioners for this confederation 
hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinary, as they 
may have commission or opportunity, do endeavor to frame and establish 
agreements and orders in general cases of a civil nature wherein all the 
plantations are interested for preserving peace amongst themselves, and 
preventing, as much as may be, all occasions of war or differences with 
others, as about free and speedy passage of justice in each jurisdiction to 
all the confederates equally, as to their own, receiving those that remove 
from one plantation to another without due certificates, how all the 
jurisdictions may carry it towards the Indians, that they neither grow 
insolent nor be injured without due satisfaction, lest war break in upon 
the confederates through miscarriages. It is also agreed, that if any 
servant run away from his master into any of these confederate jurisdic- 
tions, that in such case, upon certificate of one magistrate in the juris- 
diction out of which the said servant fled, or upon other due proof, the 
said servant shall be delivered either to his master or any other that 
pursues and brings such certificate or proof: And that upon the escape 


of any prisoner or fugitive for any criminal cause, whether breaking 
prison or getting from the officer, or otherwise escaping, upon the certi- 
ficate of two magistrates of the jurisdiction out of which the escape is 
made, that he was a prisoner or such an offender at the time of the 
escape, the magistrate, or some of them of the jurisdiction where for the 
present the said prisoner or fugitive abideth, shall forthwith grant such 
a warrant as the case will bear, for the apprehending of any such person 
and the delivery of him into the hand of the officer or other person who 
pursueth him; and if there be help required for the safe returning of 
any such offender, then it shall be granted unto him that craves the same, 
he paying the charges thereof.^ 

9. And for that the justest wars may be of dangerous consequence, 
especially to the smaller plantations in these united colonies, it is agreed, 
that neither the Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, nor New Haven, 
nor any of the members of any of them, shall at any time hereafter begin, 
undertake, or engage themselves or this confederation, or any part thereof, 
in any war whatsoever, (sudden exigencies with the necessary conse- 
quences thereof excepted, which are also to be moderated as much as 
the case will permit,) without the consent and agreement of the afore- 
named eight commissioners, or at least six of them, as in the 6th article 
is provided; and that no charge be required of any of the confederates, 
in case of a defensive war, till the said commissioners have met and ap- 
proved the justice of the war, and have agreed upon the sum of money to 
be levied, which sum is then to be paid by the several confederates in pro- 
portion according to the 4th article. 

10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings are summoned 
by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, or two, as in the 5th article, if 
any of the commissioners come not, due warning being given or sent, it is 
agreed that four of the commissioners shall have power to direct a war 
which cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of 
each jurisdiction, as well as six might do if all met; but not less than six 
shall determine the justice of the war, or allow the demands or bills of 
charges, or cause any levies to be made for the same. 

11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederates shall hereafter 
break any of these present articles, or be otherway injurious to any one 
of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agreement or injury shall be 
duly considered and ordered by the commissioners for the other jurisdic- 

^ A rather curious forecast of the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, 
the indentured servants, as often appears, being scarcely less in bondage than 
African slaves. 


tions, that both peace, and this present confederation may be entirely 
preserved without violation.* 

12. Lastly, this perpetual confederation, and the several articles 
and agreements thereof being read and seriously considered both by the 
general court for the Massachusetts and the commissioners for the other 
three, were subscribed presently by the commissioners, all save those of 
Plymouth, who, for want of sufficient commission from their general 
court, deferred their subscription till the next meeting, and then they 
subscribed also, and were to be allowed by the general courts of the several 
jurisdictions, which accordingly was done, and certified at the next meet- 
ing held at Boston, (7) (September) 7, 1643. 

Boston, (3) 29,2 1643. 

4. (June) 12.] Mr. La Tour arrived here in a ship of 140 
tons, and 140 persons. The ship came from Rochelle, the 
master and his company were Protestants. There were two 
friars and two women sent to wait upon La Tour his lady. 
They came in with a fair wind, without any notice taken of 
them. They took a pilot out of one of our boats at sea, and 
left one of their men in his place. Capt. Gibbons' wife and 
children passed by the ship as they were going to their farm, 
but being discovered to La Tour by one of his gentlemen who 
knew her, La Tour manned out a shallop, which he towed 
after him to go speak with her. She seeing such a company 
of strangers making towards her, hastened to get from them, 
and landed at the governor's garden. La Tour landed pre- 
sently after her, and there found the governor and his wife, 
and two of his sons, and his son's wife, and after mutual salu- 
tations he told the governor the cause of his coming, viz. that 
this ship being sent him out of France, D'Aulnay, his old 

* Plainly in these articles no secession at will of any of the contracting parties 
was allowable. 

2 The date is clear in the manuscript, but Savage believes there is reason 
for making it May 19, as in the Plymouth Records, instead of 29. Three years 
later (1856) the publication of Bradford's History confirmed his view. The 
text, with some differences, especially in the ending, may be seen in Bradford, pp. 
382-388, of the edition in the present series; also in the Plymouth Records, Vol. 
IX., Colonial Records of Connecticut, Vol. III., and Old South Leaflets, no. 169. 


enemy, had so blocked up the river to his fort at St. John's, 
with two ships and a galliot, as his ship could not get in, 
whereupon he stole by in the night in his shallop, and was 
come to crave aid to convey him into his fort. The governor 
answered that he could say nothing to it till he had conferred 
with other of the magistrates; so after supper he went with 
him to Boston in La Tour's boat, having sent his own boat to 
Boston to carry home Mrs. Gibbons. Divers boats, having 
passed by him, had given notice hereof to Boston and Charles- 
town, his ship also arriving before Boston, the towns betook 
them to their arms, and three shallops with armed men came 
forth to meet the governor and to guard him home. But here 
the Lord gave us occasion to take notice of our weakness, etc., 
for if La Tour had been ill minded towards us, he had such an 
opportunity as we hope neither he nor any other shall ever have 
the like again ; for coming by our castle and saluting it, there 
was none to answer him, for the last court had given order to 
have the castle-Island deserted, a great part of the work being 
fallen down, etc., so as he might have taken all the ordnance 
there. Then, having the governor and his family, and Captain 
Gibbons' wife, etc., in his power, he might have gone and 
spoiled Boston, and having so many men ready, they might 
have taken two ships in the harbor, and gone away without 
danger or resistance, but his neglecting this opportunity gave 
us assurance of his true meaning. So being landed at Boston, 
the governor, with a sufficient guard, brought him to his lodg- 
ing at Captain Gibbons'. This gave further assurance that he 
intended us no evil, because he voluntarily put his person in 
our power. The next day the governor called together such 
of the magistrates as were at hand, and some of the deputies, 
and propounding the cause to them, and La Tour being present, 
and the captain of his ship, etc., he showed his commission, 
which was fairly engrossed in parchment under the hand and 
seal of the Vice Admiral of France, and grand prior, etc., to 
bring supply to La Tour, whom he styled his majesty's heu- 


tenant general of L'Acadye, and also a letter from the agent of 
the company of France to whom he hath reference, informing 
him of the injurious practices of D'Aulnay against him, and 
advising him to look to himself, etc., and superscribed to him 
as Heutenant general, etc. Upon this it appeared to us, (that 
being dated in April last,) that notwithstanding the news 
which D'Aulnay had sent to our governor the last year, 
whereby La Tour was proclaimed a rebel, etc., yet he stood 
in good terms with the state of France, and also with the 
company. Whereupon, though we could not grant him aid 
without advice of the other commissioners of our confederacy, 
yet we thought it not fit nor just to hinder any that would be 
willing to be hired to aid him; and accordingly we answered 
him that we would allow him a free mercate,^ that he might 
hire any ships which lay in our harbor, etc. This answer he 
was very well satisfied with and took very thankfully; he 
also desired leave to land his men, that they might refresh 
themselves, which was granted him, so they landed in small 
companies, that our women, etc., might not be affrighted by 
them. This direction was duly observed. 

But the training day at Boston falling out the next week, 
and La Tour having requested that he might be permitted to 
exercise his soldiers on shore, we expected him that day, so he 
landed 40 men in their arms, (they were all shot).' They were 
brought into the field by our train band, consisting of 150, and 
in the forenoon they only beheld our men exercise. When 
they had dined, (La Tour and his officers with our officers, and 
his soldiers invited home by the private soldiers,) in the after- 
noon they were permitted to exercise, (our governor and other 
of the magistrates coming then into the field,) and all ours stood 
and beheld them. They were very expert in all their postures 
and motions. 

When it was near night. La Tour desired our governor 
that his men might have leave to depart, which being granted, 

* Market. ^ They were all muskets. 


his captain acquainted our captain therewith, so he drew our 
men into a march, and the French fell into the middle. When 
they were to depart, they gave a volley of shot and went to 
their boat, the French showing much admiration to see so 
many men of one town so well armed and disciplined, La Tour 
professing he could not have believed it, if he had not seen it. 
Our governor and others in the town entertained La Tour 
and his gentlemen with much courtesy, both in their houses 
and at table. La Tour came duly to our church meetings, and 
always accompanied the governor to and from thence, who all 
the time of his abode here was attended with a good guard of 
halberts and musketeers. Those who engrossed the ships, 
understanding his distress, and the justice of his cause, and 
the magistrates' permission, were willing to be entertained by 

But the rumor of these things soon spreading through the 
country, were diversely apprehended, not only by the common 
sort, but also by the elders, whereof some in their sermons spoke 
against their entertainment, and the aid permitted them; others 

* The visit of La Tour to Boston is a picturesque episode. At this moment 
France was on the brink of becoming involved in the EngHsh Civil War. In the 
summer of 1643, the cause of Parliament, with which New England sympathized, 
was much depressed, while the King's party, most zealous in which was Queen 
Henrietta Maria, a French Catholic princess, seemed likely to triumph. France 
was on the point of taking active part with the Cavaliers. When therefore La 
Tour suddenly appeared in the harbor of the little town in a ship well armed 
and manned, great caution in dealing with him was necessary. The fact that the 
ship's captain and part of the crew were Huguenots from Rochelle seemed to 
justify a policy of forbearance, as these were on good terms with La Tour. It was 
a portentous sight indeed when a company of French soldiers, fully armed and 
drilled, manoeuvred on the training field. Dropping their muskets, and drawing 
their swords, they made a rapid charge, described, Savage says, in a note attached 
to the manuscript (burned in 1825). The more timorous feared this might be in 
earnest. La Tour's audacious visit was a bold bid for support from the Puritans 
against his rival d'Aulnay. He might easily have carried off the governor and 
burned the unprepared settlement, but his disposition was friendly, and he with- 
drew leaving Boston quite dazed over the transaction. The controversy as to 
whether the heads had done wisely or foolishly is preserved in the prolix pages 
of labored argument fortified pro and con by far-fetched Biblical precedents, 
which follow the narrative of La Tour's visit. 


spake in the justification of both. One [blank,] a judicious 
minister, hearing that leave was granted them to exercise their 
men in Boston, out of his fear of popish leagues and care of 
our safety, spake as in way of prediction, that, before that day 
were ended, store of blood would be spilled in Boston. Divers 
also wrote to the governor, laying before him great dangers, 
others charging sin upon the conscience in all these proceed- 
ings; so as he was forced to write and publish the true state 
of the cause, and the reasons of all their proceedings, which 
satisfied many, but not all. Also, the masters and others, who 
were to go in the ships, desired advice about their proceedings, 
etc. whereupon the governor appointed another meeting, to 
which all the near magistrates and deputies, and the elders 
also were called, and there the matter was debated upon these 

1. Whether it were lawful for Christians to aid idolaters, and 
how far we may hold communion with them? 

2. Whether it were safe for our state to suffer him to have 
aid from us against D'Aulnay? 

To the first question, the arguments on the negative part 
were these. 1. Jehoshaphat is reproved for the like — ^wouldst 
thou help the wicked? The answer to this was, first, this must 
be meant only in such case as that was, not simply according 
to the words of that one sentence taken apart from the rest, 
for otherwise it would be unlawful to help any wicked man, 
though a professed Protestant, and though our own country- 
man, father, brother, etc., and that in any case, though ready 
to be drowned, slain, famished, etc., second, Jehoshaphat aided 
him in a brotherly league of amity and affinity : I am as thou 
art, my people as thy people, etc. 2. Ahab was declared a 
wicked man by God, and denounced to destruction. Answer. 
Ahab was in no distress, and so needed no aid. 

2. Argument. Jehoshaphat joining after with Ahazia in 
making ships, is reproved, etc. Answer. There is difference 
between helping a man in distress, which is a duty imposed, 


and joining in a course of merchandise where the action is 
voluntary; and it appears by this their joining, that the league 
of amity continued between the two kingdoms. 

3. Argument. Josias did evil in aiding the king of Babylon 
against Pharaoh Necho. Answer 1. The king of Babylon 
was in no distress, nor did desire his help, nor is it said he 
intended his aid. 2. Josias, no doubt, did not break any known 
general rule, being so strict an observer of all God's command- 
ments; for it was not lawful for him to stop Pharaoh's army 
from going through his country, but his sin was, that either he 
did not believe the message of God by Pharaoh in that parti- 
cular case, or did not inquire further about it from his own 
prophets, and so it is expressed in that story. 

4. Argument. Amaziah, king of Judah, is reproved for 
hiring an army out of Israel, because God was near with Israel. 
Answer. This is not to the question, which is of giving aid, 
and not of hiring aid from others, nor was Amaziah in any 
distress, but only sought to enlarge his dominion. 

5. Argument. By aiding papists, we advance and strengthen 
popery. Answer 1. We are not to omit things necessary and 
lawful for a doubtful ill consequence, which is but accidental. 
2. Such aid may as well work to the weakening of popery 
by winning some of them to the love of the truth, as hath 
sometimes fallen out, and .sometimes by strengthening one 
part of them against another, they may both be the more 
weakened in the end. 

For the 2d question, whether it be safe, etc., the arguments 
on the negative part were these. 

1. Papists are not to be trusted, seeing it is one of their 
tenets that they are not to keep promise with heretics. An- 
swer. In this case we rely not upon their faith but their inter- 
est, it being for their advantage to hold in with us, we may 
safely trust them; besides, we shall not need to hazard our- 
selves upon their fidelity, having sufficient strength to secure 


2. We may provoke the state of France against us, or at 
least D'Aulnay, and so be brought into another war. Answer. 
It appears by the commission and letter before-mentioned, that 
La Tour stands in good terms with the state of France and 
the company, etc. It is usual in all states in Europe to suffer 
aid to be hired against their confederates, without any breach 
of the peace, as by the states of Holland against the Spaniards, 
and by both out of England, without any breach of the peace, 
or offence to either. As for D'Aubiay, he hath carried himself 
so, as we could look for no other but ill measures from him, 
if he were able, though we should not permit La Tour to have 
help from us, for he hath taken Penobscott from us with our 
goods to a .great value. He made prize of our men and goods 
also at Isle Sable, and kept our men as slaves a good space, 
but never made satisfaction for our goods; likewise he enter- 
tained our servants which ran from us, and refuseth to return 
them, being demanded; he also fumisheth the Indians about 
us with guns and powder; and lastly, he wrote last year to 
our governor, forbidding our vessels to pass beyond his fort 
in the open sea, and threatening to make prize if he should 
meet, etc., and if the worst should happen that can be feared, 
yet if our way be lawful, and we innocent from wrong, etc., we 
may .and must trust God with our safety so long as we serve 
his providence in the use of such means as he affords us. 

3. Argument. Solomon tells us, that he that meddleth with 
a strife which belongs not to him, takes a dog by the ear, which 
is very dangerous. Answer. This is a strife which doth belong 
to us, both in respect of La Tour seeking aid of us in his dis- 
tress, and also in respect it so much concerns us to have 
D'Aulnay subdued or weakened: and it were not wisdom in 
us to stop the course of providence, which offers to do that for 
us without our charge, wliich we are like otherwise to be 
forced to undertake at our own charge. 

4. It is not safe to permit this aid to go from us, especially 
without advice of the general court, lest it should miscarry, 


and so prove a dishonor and weakening to us. Answer 1. For 
the general court, it could not have been assembled under 
fourteen days, and such delay, besides the necessary charge 
it would have put La Tour unto, and ourselves also by the 
strong watches we were forced to keep, it might have lost 
the opportunity of relieving him, or it might have put him 
upon some dangerous design of surprising our ships, etc. Be- 
sides, if the court had been assembled, we knew they would not 
have given him aid without consent of the commissioners of 
the other colonies, and for a bare permission, we might do it 
without the court; and to have deferred this needlessly, had 
been against that rule : say not to thy neighbor, go and come 
again, and to-morrow I will give thee, when there is power in 
thine hands to do it. As for the danger of miscarriage, it is 
not so much as in other our voyages to Spain or England, or, 
etc., and if the rule be safe that we walk by, the success cannot 
alter it. 

5. We hear only one party, we should as well hear the other, 
otherwise we deal not judicially, and perhaps may aid a man 
in an imjust quarrel. Answer L We heard formerly D'Aul- 
nay's allegations against La Tour, and notwithstanding all 
that. La Tour his cause appears just; for they being both the 
subjects of the same prince, the sliip coming by permission from 
their prince's authority, D'Aulnay ought to permit him to enter 
peaceably. 2. Our men that go will first offer parley with 
D'Auhiay, and if La Tour his cause be unjust, they are not to 
offend the others. 3. La Tom- being now in desperate distress, 
he is first to be succoured, before the cause be further inquired 
into, according to the example of Abraham, who, hearing of the 
distress of his kinsman Lot, staid not till he might send to 
Chedorlaomer to have his answer about the justice of his cause; 
yet there was strong presumption that his cause was just, and 
that Lot and all the rest were lawful prisoners, for they had 
been twelve years his subjects and were in rebellion at this 
time, but he stays not to inquire out the cause, the distress not 


permitting it, but goes personally to rescue them: As put 
case — an Englishman or Spaniard should be driven into our 
harbor by a pirate, and should come and inform us so, and 
desire us to let him have aid to convey him safe to sea, might 
we not lawfully send out aid with him, before he had sent to 
the pirate to understand the cause ; it would be time enough 
to demand that, when our aid came up with him. So if om- 
neighboring Indians should send to us to desire aid against 
some other Indians who were coming to destroy them, should 
we first send to the other Indians to inquire the justice of the 
cause? No, but we should first send to save them, and after 
examine the cause. 

The arguments on the affirmative part are many of them 
touched in the former answers to the arguments on the other 
part. The rest are these. 

1. By the royal law, thou shalt love thy neighbor as thy- 
self. If our neighbor be in distress, we ought to help him with- 
out any respect to religion or other quality ; but an idolater in 
distress is our neighbor, as appears by that parable, Luke 10, 
where it is plainly concluded, that the Samaritan was neighbor 
to the distressed traveller, and our Saviour bids the lawyer, 
being a Jew, to do likewise, that is, even to a Samaritan, if in 
distress; and by the law of relations the distressed Jew was 
neighbor to the Samaritan, and the Samaritan in distress should 
have been so to him, though as opposite in religion as Protes- 
tants and papists. If such an one be not our neighbor, then 
we have no relation to him by any command of the second 
table, for that requires us to love our neighbor only, and then 
we may deceive, beat, and otherwise dananify him, and not 
sin, etc. 

2. Argument out of Gal. 6. 10. Do good to all, but specially 
to the household of faith, by which it appears that under all, he 
includes such as were not believers, and those were heathen 
idolaters, and if we must do good to such, we must help them 
in distress. 


3. We are exhorted to be like our Heavenly Father in doing 
good to the just and unjust, that is to all, as occasion is offered, 
even such as he causeth the sun to shine upon, and the rain to 
fall upon, though excommunicated persons, blasphemers, and 
persecutors, yet if they be in distress, we are to do them good, 
and therefore to relieve them. 

4. We may hold some kind of communion with idolaters, as 
1. We may have peace with them; 2. Commerce: Ezek. 27. 
17. speaking of Tyrus, who were idolaters, he sayeth, Judah 
were thy merchants in wheat, etc., and the Jews were not for- 
bidden to trade with the heathen in Nehemiah's time, so it were 
not on the Sabbath. 3. In eating and drinking and such Uke 
famihar converse: 1. Cor. 10. if an heathen invite a Christian 
to his table, he might go, etc., and so he might as well invite 
such to his table, as Solomon did the queen of Sheba, and the 
ambassadors of other princes round about him, who would not 
have resorted to him as they did, if he had not entertained 
them courteously; and he both received presents and gave 
presents to the queen of Sheba, and others who were then 
idolaters — and Neh. 5. 17. he sayeth, that with the Jews there 
were also at his table usually such of the heathen as came to 
him: so that it was not then (nor indeed at all by the law) 
unlawful for the Jews to eat with heathen, though the Pharisees 
made it unlawful by their tradition. 

The fourth and last kind of communion is succor in distress. 

To the second question, the arguments on the affirmative 
part were these, with others expressed before in the answers. 

1. D'Aulnay is a dangerous neighbor to us; if he have none 
to oppose him, or to keep him employed at home, he will cer- 
tainly be dealing with us, but if La Tour be not now helpen, 
he is undone, his fort, with his wife, children, and servants, will 
all be taken, he hath no place to go unto — this ship cannot 
carry back him and all his company to France, but will leave 
them on shore here, and how safe it will be for us to keep them 
is doubtful, but to let them go will be more dangerous, for they 


must then go to D'Aulnay, and that will strengthen him greatly 
both by their number, and still also by their present knowledge 
of our state and place, which, in regard of our own safety, lays 
a necessity upon us of aiding La Tour, and aiding him so as 
he may subsist, and be able to make good his place against his 

2. La Tour being in urgent distress, and therefore as our 
neighbor to be reheved, if it be well done of us, we may trust 
in God, and not be afraid of any terror, 1 Peter, 3. 6. 

3. It will be no wisdom for D'Auhiay to begin with us, for 
he knows how much stronger we are than he, in men and 
shipping; and some experience we have had hereof, in that 
when our friends of Plymouth hired a ship in our harbor, and 
therewith went and battered his house at Penobscott, yet he 
took no occasion thereby against us, nor ever attempted any 
thing against them, though their trading house at Kennebeck 
be an hindrance to him, and easy for him to take at his pleasure. 

There were other instances brought to the lawfulness, both 
in Joshua his aiding the Gibeonites, who were Canaanites, and 
had deluded him, and he might hereupon have left them to be 
spoiled by their neighbors. So when Jehoshaphat aided Jeho- 
rim against Moab, (for he had put away Baal,) EUsha speaks 
honorably to him and doth not reprove him, but for his pres- 
ence sake saves their house by miracle, etc. 

The like rumore and fears were raised upon our first expedi- 
tion against the Pequods, 1636. The governor of Plymouth 
wrote to Mr. Winthrop, then deputy governor, in dislike of our 
attempt, and in apprehension of the great danger we had 
incurred, that we had provoked the Pequods, and no more, 
and had thereby occasioned a war, etc. But we found,through 
the Lord's special mercy, that that provocation and war proved 
a blessing to all the English. Our brethren of Connecticut 
wrote also to us, declaring their fears, and the danger we had 
cast them into by warring upon the Pequods, etc. And indeed 
we committed an error, in that we did not first give them 


notice of our intention, that they might take the more care 
of their own safety, but they could not be ignorant of our 

The governor by letters informed the rest of the commis- 
sioners of the united colonies of what had passed about La 
Tour; but the reason why he did not defer him at first for his 
answer, till some more of the magistrates and deputies might 
have been assembled, and the elders likewise consulted with, 
was this. Conceiving that he stood still under the same sen- 
tence of the arrest from the state of France, there would have 
been no need of advice in the case, for we must have given 
him the same answer we gave his heutenant the last year, and 
upon the same ground, viz. That however he might trade here 
for such commodities as he stood in need of, yet he could ex- 
pect no aid from us, for it would not be fit nor safe for us to 
do that which might justly provoke the state of France against 
us. But being met, and seeing the commission from the vice 
admiral, etc., that occasion of danger being removed, we doubt- 
ed not but we might safely give him such answer as we did, 
without further trouble to the country or delay to him. See 
more of this [blank] leaves after. 

The sow business not being yet digested in the country,* 
many of the elders being yet unsatisfied, and the more by rea- 
son of a new case stated by some of the plaintiff's side and 
delivered to the elders, wherein they dealt very partially, for 
they drew out all the evidence which made for the plaintiff, and 
thereupon framed their conclusion without mentioning any of 
the defendant's evidence. This being dehvered to the elders, 
and by them imparted to some of the other side, an answer 
was presently drawn, which occasioned the elders to take a 
view of all the evidence on both parties, and a meeting being 
procured both of magistrates and elders (near all in the juris- 

^ For the " sow business," see p. 64. Palfrey well describes how through 
this dispute over a trifling matter the bicanaeral feature became established in 
the New England legislatures. 


diction) and some of the deputies, the elders there declared, 
that notwithstanding their former opinions, yet, upon examina- 
tion of all the testimonies, they found such contrariety and 
crossing of testimonies, as they did not see any ground for the 
court to proceed to judgment in the case, and therefore earnest- 
ly desired that the court might never be more troubled with it. 
To this all consented except Mr. Bellingham who still main- 
tained his former opinion, and would have the magistrates 
lay down their negative voice, and so the cause to be heard 
again. This stiffness of his and singularity in opinion was very 
impleasing to all the company, but they went on notwithstand- 
ing, and because a principal end of the meeting was to recon- 
cile differences and take away offences, which were risen 
between some of the magistrates by occasion of this sow busi- 
ness and the treatise of Mr. Saltonstall against the council, 
so as Mr. Bellingham and he stood divided from the rest, 
which occasioned much opposition even in open court, and 
much partaking in the country, but by the wisdom and faith- 
fulness of the elders Mr. Saltonstall was brought to see his 
faihngs in that treatise, which he did ingenuously acknowledge 
and bewail, and so he was reconciled with the rest of the mag- 
istrates. They labored also to make a perfect reconciliation 
between the governor and Mr. Bellingham. The governor 
offered himself ready to it, but the other was not foi-ward, 
whereby it rested in a manner as it was. Mr. Dudley also had 
let fall a speech in the court to Mr. Rogers of Ipswich, which 
was grievous to him and other of the elders. The thing was 
this. Mr. Rogers being earnest in a cause between the town 
and Mr. Bradstreet, which also concerned his own interest, Mr. 
Dudley used this speech to him, "Do you think to come with 
your eldership here to carry matters," etc. Mr. Dudley was 
somewhat hard at first to be brought to see any evil in it, but 
at last he was convinced and did acknowledge it, and they were 

The deputies, also, who were present at this meeting and 


had voted for the plaintiff in the case of the sow, seemed now 
to be satisfied, and the elders agreed to deal with the deputies 
of their several towns, to the end that that cause might never 
trouble the court more. But all this notwithstanding, the 
plaintiff, (or rather one G. Story her solicitor,) being of an un- 
satisfied spirit, and animated, or at least too much counte- 
nanced, by some of the court, preferred a petition at the court 
of elections for a new hearing, and this being referred to the 
committee for petitions, it was returned that the greater part of 
them did conceive the cause should be heard again, and some 
others in the court declared themselves of the same judgment, 
which caused others to be much grieved to see such a spirit in 
godly men, that neither the judgment of near all the magis- 
trates, nor the concurrence of the elders and their mediation, 
nor the loss of time and charge, nor the settling of peace in 
court and country could prevail with them to let such a 
cause fall, (as in ordinary course of justice it ought,) as noth- 
ing could be found in, by any one testimony, to be of criminal 
nature, nor could the matter of the suit, with all damages, 
have amounted to forty shilHngs. But two things appeared 
to carry men on in this course as it were in captivity. One 
was, the deputies stood only upon this, that their towns 
were not satisfied in the cause (which by the way shows plainly 
the democratical spirit which acts our deputies, etc.). The 
other was, the desire of the name of victory; whereas on the 
other side the magistrates, etc., were content for peace sake, 
and upon the elders' advice, to decline that advantage, and to 
let the cause fall for want of advice to sway it either way. 
Now that which made the people so unsatisfied, and un- 
willing the cause should rest as it stood, was the 20 pounds 
which the defendant had recovered against the plaintiff in an 
action of slander for saying he had stolen the sow, etc., and 
many of them could not distinguish this from the principal 
cause, as if she had been adjudged to pay 20 pounds for de- 
manding her sow, and yet the defendant never took of this 


more than 3 pounds, for his charges of witnesses, etc., and 
offered to remit the whole, if she would have acknowledged the 
wrong she had done him. But he being accounted a rich man, 
and she a poor woman, this so wrought with the people, as being 
blinded with unreasonable compassion, they could not see, or 
not allow justice her reasonable course. This being found out 
by some of the court, a motion was made, that some who had 
interest in the defendant would undertake to persuade him to 
restore the plaintiff the 3 pounds (or whatever it were) he took 
upon that judgment, and hkewise to refer other matters to 
reference which were between the said Story and him. This 
the court were satisfied with, and proceeded no further. 

There was yet one offence which the elders desired might 
also be removed, and for that end some of them moved the 
governor in it, and he easily consented to them so far as they 
had convinced him of his failing therein. The matter was this. 
The governor had published a writing about the case of the 
sow, as is herein before declared, wherein some passages gave 
offence, which he being willing to remove, so soon as he came 
into the general court, he spake as followeth, (his speech is set 
down verbatim to prevent misrepresentation, as if he had 
retracted what he had wrote in the point of the case :) 

I understand divers have taken offence at a writing I set forth about 
the sow business ; I desire to remove it, and to begin my year in a recon- 
ciled estate with all. The writing is of two parts, the matter and the 
manner. In the former I had the concurrence of others of my brethren, 
both magistrates and deputies; but for the other, viz., the manner, that 
was wholly mine own, so as whatsoever was blame-worthy in it I 
must take it to myself. The matter is point of judgment, which is not 
at my own disposing. I have examined it over and again by such light 
as God hath afforded me from the rules of religion, reason, and common 
practice, and truly I can find no ground to retract any thing in that, there- 
fore I desire I may enjoy my liberty herein, as every of yourselves do, 
and justly may. But for the manner, whatsoever I might allege for my 
justification before men, I now pass it over: I now set myself before 
another judgment seat. I will first speak to the manner in general and 


then to two particulars. For the general. Howsoever that which I wrote 
was upon great provocation by some of the adverse party, and upon invi- 
tation from others to vindicate ourselves from that aspersion which was 
cast upon us, yet that was no sufficient warrant for me to break out into 
any distemper. I confess I was too prodigal of my brethren's reputation : 
I might have obtained the cause I had in hand without casting such 
blemish upon others as I did. For the particulars. 1 . For the conclusion, 
viz., now let religion and sound reason give judgment in the case; where- 
by I might seem to conclude the other side to be void both of religion and 
reason. It is true a man may (as the case may be) appeal to the judgment 
of religion and reason, but, as I there carried it, I did arrogate too much 
to myself and ascribe too little to others. The other particular was the 
profession I made of maintaining what I wrote before all the world, 
which, though it may modestly be professed, (as the case may require,) 
yet I confess it was now not so beseeming me, but was indeed a fruit of 
the pride of mine own spirit. These are all the Lord hath brought me to 
consider of, wherein I acknowledge my failings, and humbly intreat you 
will pardon and pass them by; if you please to accept my request, your 
silence shall be a sufficient testimony thereof unto me, and I hope I shall 
be more wise and watchful hereafter. 

The sow business had started another question about the 
naagistrates' negative vote in the general court. The deputies 
generally were very earnest to have it taken away ; whereupon 
one of the magistrates wrote a small treatise, wherein he laid 
down the original of it from the patent, and the establishing of 
it by order of the general court in 1634, showing thereby how 
it was fundamental to our government, which, if it were taken 
away, would be a mere democracy. He showed also the neces- 
sity and usefulness of it by many arguments from scripture, 
reason, and common practice, etc. Yet this would not satisfy, 
but the deputies and common people would have it taken 
away; and yet it was apparent (as some of the deputies 
themselves confessed) the most did not understand it. An 
answer also was written (by one of the magistrates as was 
conceived) to the said treatise, undertaking to avoid all the ar- 
guments both from the patent and from the order, etc. This 
the deputies made great use of in this court, supposing they 


had now enough to carry the cause clearly with them, so as 
they pressed earnestly to have it presently determined. But 
the magistrates told them the matter was of great concern- 
ment, even to the very frame of our government ; it had been 
established upon serious consultation and consent of all the 
elders; it had been continued without any inconvenience or 
apparent mischief these fourteen years, therefore it would not 
be safe nor of good report to alter on such a sudden, and with- 
out the advice of the elders : offering withal, that if upon such 
advice and consideration it should appear to be inconvenient, 
or not warranted by the patent and the said order, etc., they 
should be ready to join with them in taking it away. Upon 
these propositions they were stilled, and so an order was drawn 
up to this effect, that it was desired that every member of the 
court would take advice, etc., and that it should be no offence 
for any, either publicly or privately, to declare their opinion in 
the case, so it were modestly, etc., and that the elders should be 
desired to give their advice before the next meeting of this 
court. It was the magistrates' only care to gain time, that so 
the people's heat might be abated, for then they knew they 
would hear reason, and that the advice of the elders might be 
interposed ; and that there might be liberty to reply to the an- 
swer, which was very long and tedious, which accordingly w^as 
done soon after the court, and pubHshed to good satisfaction. 
One of the elders also wrote a small treatise, wherein scholas- 
tically and religiously he handled the question, la}dng down the 
several forms of government both simple and mixt, and the 
true form of our government, and the unavoidable change into 
a democracy, if the negative voice were taken away; and 
answered all objections, and so concluded for the continuance 
of it, so as the deputies and the people also, having their heat 
moderated by time, and their judgments better informed by 
what they had learned about it, let the cause fall, and he who 
had written the answer to the first defence, appeared no further 
in it. 


Our supplies from England failing much, men began to look 
about them, and fell to a manufacture of cotton, whereof we 
had store from Barbados, and of hemp and flax, wherein 
Rowley, to their great commendation, exceeded all other 

The governor acquainted the court with a letter he received 
from Mr. Wheelwright, to intreat the favor of the court that he 
might have leave to come into the Bay upon especial occasions, 
which was readily granted him for 14 days, whereupon he 
came and spake with divers of the elders, and gave them such 
satisfaction as they intended to intercede with the court for 
the release of his banishment. See more (3) 44.^ 

Sacononoco and Pumham, two sachems near Providence, 
having under them between 2 and 300 men, finding them- 
selves overborne by Miantimnomoh, the sachem of Naragansett 
and Gorton and his company, who had so prevailed with Mian- 
tunnomoh, as he forced one of them to join with him in setting 
his hand or mark to a writing, whereby a part of his land was 
sold to Gorton and his company, for which Miantunnomoh 
received a price, but the other would not receive that which was 
for his part, alleging that he did not intend to sell his land, 
though through fear of Miantunnomoh he had put his mark to 
the writing, they came to our governor, and by Benedict 
Arnold^ their interpreter, did desire we would receive them un- 
der our government, and brought withal a small present of 
wampom, about ten fathom. The governor gave them en- 
couragement, but referred them to the court, and received their 
present, intending to return it them again, if the court should 
not accord to them ; but at the present he acquainted another 
of the magistrates with it. So it was agreed, and they wrote 

^ 7. e., under May, 1644. 

^ Benedict Arnold, long a trusted and useful man, especially helpful for his 
knowledge of Indian tongues and his faculty for dealing with the tribes, afterward 
eleven times governor of Rhode Island. The area described in the deed of 
January 12, 1642/3, was about equivalent to that of the present townships of 
Warwick and Coventry, R. I. 


to Gorton and his company to let them know what the sachems 
had complained of, and how they had tendered themselves 
to come under our jurisdiction, and therefore if they had any 
thing to allege against it, they should come or send to our next 
court. We sent also to Miantunnomoh to signify the same to 
him. Whereupon, in the beginning of the court, Miantunno- 
moh came to Boston, and being demanded in open court, be- 
fore divers of his own men and Cutshamekin and other Indians, 
whether he had any interest in the said two sachems as his 
subjects, he could prove none. Cutshamekin also in his 
presence affirmed, that he had no interest in them, but they 
were as free sachems as himself; only because he was a great 
sachem, they had sometime sent him presents, and aided him 
in his war against the Pequots: and Benedict Arnold affirmed, 
partly upon his own knowledge, and partly upon the relation 
of divers Indians of those parts, that the Indians belonging to 
these sachems did usually pay their deer skins (which are a 
tribute belonging to the chief sachem) always to them, and 
never to Miantunnomoh or any other sachem of Naragansett, 
which Miantunnomoh could not contradict. Whereupon it 
was referred to the governor and some other of the magistrates 
and deputies to send for the two sachems after the court, 
and to treat with them about their receiving in to us. 

But before this, Gorton and his company (12 in number) 
sent a writing to our court of four sheets of paper, full of re- 
proaches against our magistrates, elders and churches, of 
famihstical and absurd opinions, and therein they justified 
their purchase of the sachems' land, and professed to maintain 
it to the death. They sent us word also after, (as Benedict 
Arnold reported to us,) that if we sent men against them, they 
were ready to meet us, being assured of victory from God, etc. 
Whereupon the court sent two of the deputies to speak with 
them, to see whether they would own that writing which was 
subscribed by them all. When they came, they with much 
difficulty came to find out Gorton and two or three more of 


them, and upon conference they did own and justify the said 
writing. They spake also with the two sachems, as they had 
commission, and giving them to understand upon what terms 
they must be received imder us, they foimd them very phable 
to all, and opening to them the ten commandments, they re- 
ceived this answer, which I have set down as the commissioners 
took it in writing from their mouths. 

1. Quest. Whether they would worship the true God that 
made heaven and earth, and not blaspheme him? Ans. We 
desire to speak reverently of Enghshman's God and not to 
speak evil of him, because we see the Englishman's God doth 
better for them than other Gods do for others. 

2. That they should not swear falsely. Ans. We never 
knew what swearing or an oath was. 

3. Not to do any unnecessary work on the Lord's day with- 
in the gates of proper towns. Ans. It is a small thing for us 
to rest on that day, for we have not much to do any day, and 
therefore we will forbear on that day. 

4. To honor their parents and superiors. Ans. It is our 
custom so to do, for inferiors to be subject to superiors, for if 
we complain to the governor of the Massachusetts that we 
have wrong, if they tell us we lie, we shall willingly bear it. 

5. Not to kill any man but upon just cause and just author- 
ity. Ans. It is good, and we desire so to do. 

6. 7. Not to commit fornication, adultery, bestiaUty, etc. 
Ans. Though fornication and adultery be committed among 
us, yet we allow it not, but judge it evil, so the same we judge 
of steahng. 

8. For lying, they say it is an evil, and shall not allow it. 

9. Whether you will suffer your children to read God's 
word, that they may have knowledge of the true God and to 
worship him in his own way? Ans. As opportunity serveth 
by the Enghsh coming amongst us, we desire to learn their 

After the court, the governor, etc., sent for them, and they 


came to Boston at the day appointed, viz., the 22d of the 4th 
month {June), and a form of submission being drawn up, and 
they being by Benedict Arnold, their neighbor, and interpreter, 
(who spake their language readily,) made to understand every 
particular, in the presence of divers of the elders and many 
others, they freely subscribed the submission, as it here follow- 
eth verbatim. Being told that we did not receive them in as 
confederates but as subjects, they answered, that they were so 
little in respect of us, as they could expect no other. So they 
dined in the same room with the governor, but at a table by 
themselves ; and having much countenance showed them by all 
present, and being told that they and their men should be al- 
ways welcome to the English, provided they brought a note 
from Benedict Arnold, that we might know them from other 
Indians, and having some small things bestowed upon them by 
the governor, they departed joyful and well satisfied. We 
looked at it as a fruit of our prayers, and the first fruit of our 
hopes, that the example would bring in others, and that the 
Lord was by this means making a way to bring them to civility, 
and so to conversion to the knowledge and embracing of the 
gospel in his due time. 

Soon after their departure, we took order that Miantunno- 
moh and the EngHsh in those parts should have notice of their 
submission to us, that they might refrain from doing them 

Their Submission was as followeth. 

This writing is to testify, That we Pumham, sachem of Shawomock, 
and Sacononoco, sachem of Patuxet, etc., have, and by these presents do, 
voluntarily and without any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free 
motion, put ourselves, our subjects, lands and estates under the govern- 
ment and jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, to be governed and protected 
by them, according to their just laws and orders, so far as we shall be 
made capable of understanding them : and we do promise for ourselves 
and our subjects, and all our posterity, to be true and faithful to the said 
government, and aiding to the maintenance thereof to our best ability, 


and from time to time to give speedy notice of any conspiracy, attempt, 
or evil intention of any which we shall know or hear of, against the same: 
and we do promise to be willing, from time to time, to be instructed in the 
knowledge and worship of God. In witness whereof, etc/ 

The lady Moodye, a wise and anciently religious woman, 
being taken with the error of denying baptism to infants, was 
dealt withal by many of the elders and others, and admonished 
by the church of Salem, (whereof she was a member,) but per- 
sisting still, and to avoid further trouble, etc., she removed 
to the Dutch against the advice of all her friends. Many 
others, infected with anabaptism, removed thither also. She 
was after excommunicated.^ 

5. (July) 5.] There arose a sudden gust at N. W. so violent 
for half an hour, as it blew down multitudes of trees. It lifted 
up their meeting house at Newbury, the people being in it. It 
darkened the air with dust, yet through God's great mercy it 
did no hurt, but only killed one Indian with the fall of a tree. 
It was straight between Linne and Hampton. 

2.] Here arrived one Mr. Carman, master of the ship called 
[blank] of 180 tons. He went from New Haven in lOber 
(December) last, laden with clapboards for the Canaries, being 
earnestly commended to the Lord's protection by the church 
there. At the Island of Palma, he was set upon by a Turkish 
pirate of 300 tons and 26 pieces of ordnance and 200 men. He 
fought with her three hours, having but 20 men and but 7 
pieces of ordnance that he could use, and his muskets were un- 
serviceable with rust. The Turk lay across his hawse, so as he 
was forced to shoot through his own hoodings, and by these 
shot killed many Turks. Then the Turk lay by his side and 

* These Indian lands at Shawomet and Patuxit lay south of Providence and 
were much beyond the bounds of the Massachusetts charter. We have here in 
unusual detail a specimen of the Massachusetts treatment of the Indians. 

^ The Lady Deborah Moody, a person highly connected, occupied for a 
time the estate at Saugus once owned by Humfrey. She acquired influence in 
the parts to which she emigrated and rendered help to Peter Stuyvesant 


boarded him with near 100 men, and cut all his ropes, etc., but 
his shot having killed the captain of the Turkish ship and 
broken his tiller, the Turk took in his own ensign and fell off 
from him, but in such haste as he left about 50 of his men 
aboard him, then the master and some of his men came up and 
fought with those 50 hand to hand, and slew so many of them 
as the rest leaped overboard. The master had many wounds 
on his head and body, and divers of his men were wounded, yet 
but one slain; so with much difficulty he got to the island, 
(being in view thereof,) where he was very courteously enter- 
tained and supphed with whatsoever he wanted. 

Continuation about La Tour. 

The governor, with the advice of some of the magistrates 
and elders, wrote a letter to D'Aulnay, taking occasion in 
answer to his letter in 9ber (November) last to this effect, viz. 
Whereas he found by the arrest he sent last autumn, that La 
Tour was under displeasure and censure in France, thereupon 
we intended to have no further to do with him than by way of 
commerce which is allowed, and if he had made prize of any of 
our vessels in that way, as he threatened, we should have 
righted ourselves so well as we could, without injury to himself 
or just offence to his majesty of France, whom we did honor as 
a great and mighty prince, and should endeavor always to 
behave ourselves towards his majesty and all his subjects as 
became us, etc. But La Tour coming now to us, and acquaint- 
ing us how it was with him, etc., and here mentioning the vice 
admiral's commission and the letters, etc., though we thought 
not fit to give him aid, as being unwilling to intermeddle in the 
wars of any of our neighbors, yet considering his urgent distress, 
we could not in Christianity or humanity deny him hberty to 
hire for his money any ships in our harbor, either such as came 
to us out of England or others. And whereas some of our peo- 
ple were wiUing to go along with him, (though without any 


commission from us,) we had charged them to labor by all 
means to bring matters to a reconciliation, etc., and that they 
should be assured, that if they should do or attempt any thing 
against the rules of justice and good neighborhood, they must 
be accountable therefor unto us at their return.^ 

Beside the former arguments, there came since to Boston 
one Mr. Hooke, a godly gentleman, and a deputy of the court 
for Sahsbury, who related of the good usage and great courtesy 
which La Tour had showed to himself and other passengers, 
who were landed at his fort about nine years since as they 
came from England, and how the ship leaving them there, and 
only a small shallop to bring them to these parts, and a dan- 
gerous bay of 12 leagues to be passed over, he would not suffer 
them to depart before he had provided his own pinnace to 
transport them. 

And whereas he was charged to have killed two Englishmen 
at Machias not far from his fort, and to have taken away their 
goods to the value of 500 poimds, Mr. Vines of Saco, who 
was part owner of the goods and principal trader, etc., being 
present with La Tour, the governor heard the cause between 
them, which was thus: Mr. Vines being in a pinnace trading 
in those parts, La Tour met him in another pinnace, and 
bought so many of his commodities as Mr. Vines received 
then of him 400 skins, and although some of Mr. Vines his 
company had abused La Tour, whereupon he had made them 
prisoners in his pinnace, yet at Mr. Vines' intreaty he dis- 
charged them with grave and good counsel, and acquainted Mr. 
Vines with his commission to make prize of all such as should 
come to trade in those parts, and thereupon desired him peace- 
ably to forbear, etc., yet at his request he gave him leave to 
trade the goods he had left, in his way home, so as he did not 
fortify or build in any place within his commission, which he 

^ Savage thinks the inexpedient and calamitous policy of Winthrop as regards 
La Tour referable to pressure brought to bear upon him by the Boston merchants, 
who saw a chance to make money out of the Frenchman. 


said he could not answer it if he should suffer it ; whereupon 
they parted friendly. Mr. Vines landed his goods at Machias, 
and there set up a small wigwam, and left five men and two 
murderers* to defend it, and a shallop, and so returned home. 
Two days after La Tour comes, and casting anchor before the 
place, one of Mr. Vines' men came on board his pinnace, and 
while they were in parley, four of La Tour his men went on 
shore. One of the fom' which were in the house, seeing them, 
gave fire to a murderer, but it not taking fire, he called to his 
fellow to give fire to the other murderer, which he going to do, 
the four French retreated, and one of their muskets went off, 
(La Tour sayeth it was by accident, and that the shot went 
through one of his fellow's clothes, but Mr. Vines could say no- 
thing to that). It killed two of the men on shore, which La 
Tour then professed himself innocent of, and very sorry for; and 
said further, that the five men were at that time all drunk, and 
not unlikely, having store of wine and strong water, for had 
they been sober, they would not have given fire upon such as 
they had conversed friendly with but two days before, without 
once bidding them stand, or asking them wherefore they came. 
After this La Tour coming to the house, and finding some of 
his own goods, (though of no great value,) which had a httle 
before been taken out of his fort at St. Johns by the Scotch 
and some EngUsh of Virginia, (when they plundered all his 
goods to a great value and abused his men,) he seized the 
three men and the goods and sent them into France according 
to his commission, where the men were discharged, but the 
goods adjudged lawful prize. Mr. Vines did not contradict 
any of this, but only that he did not build or fortify at Ma- 
chias, but only set up a shelter for his men and goods. For the 
value of the goods Mr. Vines showed an invoice which came 
to 3 or 400 pounds, but La Tour said he had another under 
the men's hands that were there, which came not to half so 
much. In conclusion he promised that he would refer the 

* "Murderers" were small cannon. 


cause to judgment, and if it should be found that he had 
done them wrong, he would make satisfaction. 

5. (July) 14.] In the evening La Tour took ship, the gover- 
nor and divers of the chief of the town accompanying him to his 
boat. There went with him four of our ships and a pinnace. 
He hired them for two months, the chief est, which had 16 
pieces of ordnance, at 200 pounds the month; yet she was of 
but 100 tons, but very well manned and fitted for fight, and 
the rest proportionable. The owners took only his own security 
for their pay. He entertained also about 70 land soldiers, 
volunteers, at 40s. per month a man, but he paid them some- 
what in hand. 

Of the two friars which came in this ship, the one was a very 
learned acute man. Divers of our elders who had conference 
with him reported so of him. They came not into the town, 
lest they should give offence, but once, being brought by some 
to see Mr. Cotton and confer with him, and when they came to 
depart, the chief came to take leave of the governor and the 
two elders of Boston, and showed himself very thankful for the 
courtesy they found among us. 

In the afternoon they set sail from Long Island, the wind 
N. and by W. and went out at Broad Sound at half flood, where 
no ships of such burthen had gone out before, or not more 
than one. 

Three errors the governor, etc., committed in managing this 
business. 1. In giving La Tour an answer so suddenly (the 
very next day after his arrival). 2. In not advising with any 
of the elders, as their manner was in matters of less consequence. 
3. In not calhng upon God, as they were wont to do in all 
pubhc affairs, before they fell to consultation, etc. 

The occasions of these errors were, first, their earnest desire 
to despatch him away, and conceiving at first they should have 
given him the same answer they gave his lieutenant the last 
year, for they had not then seen the Vice Admiral's commission. 
2. Not then conceiving any need of counsel, the elders never 


came into the goveraor's thoughts. 3. La Tour and many of 
the French coming into them at first meeting, and some taking 
occasion to fall in parley with them, there did not appear then 
a fit opportunity for so solemn an action as calling upon God, 
being in the midst of their business before they were aware of 
it. But this fault hath been many times found in the governor 
to be over sudden in his resolutions, for although the course 
were both warrantable and safe, yet it had beseemed men of 
wisdom and gravity to have proceeded with more dehberation 
and further advice. 

Those about Ipswich, etc., took great offence at these pro- 
ceedings, so as three of the magistrates and the elders of 
Ipswich and Rowley, with Mr. Nathaniel Ward, wrote a letter 
to the governor and assistants in the bay, and to the elders 
here, protesting against the proceedings, and that they would 
be innocent of all the evil which might ensue, etc., with divers 
arguments against it, whereof some were weighty, but not to 
the matter, for they supposed we had engaged the country 
in a war, as if we had permitted our ships, etc., to fight with 
D'Aukiay, whereas we only permitted them to be hired by 
La Tour to conduct him home. The governor made answer 
to this protestation, so did Mr. Dudley and the pastor of 

5. (July).] Letters came to our governor from Mr. Haynes, 
governor at Hartford, certifying of a war begun between Onkus, 
sachem of Mohigen, and Sequasson, sachem upon Connecticut, 
and that upon Onkus' complaint of the other's assaulting him, 
etc., he sent for Sequasson and endeavored to make them 
friends, but Sequasson chose rather to have war, so they were 
forced to leave them to themselves, promising to be aiding 
to neither, etc. Soon after Onkus set upon Sequasson and 
killed seven or eight of his men, wounded 13, burnt his wig- 
wams and carried away the booty. Upon this Miantunno- 

* The papers in the controversy are preserved in Hutchinson, Collection of 
Papers, 115-134 (pp. 129-149 of Prince Society edition). 


moh (being allied to Sequasson) sent to Mr. Haynes to com- 
plain of Onkus. He answered that the English had no hand 
in it, nor would encourage them, etc. Miantunnomoh gave 
notice hereof also to our governor by two of our neighbor 
Indians who had been with him, and was very desirous to 
know if we would not be offended, if he made war upon Onkus. 
Our governor answered, if Onkus had done him or his friends 
wrong and would not give satisfaction, we should leave him 
to take his own course. 

5. {July) 22.] A Dutch sloop arrived with letters in Latin, 
signed by the secretary there in the name and by the command 
of the governor and senate, directed to the governor and senate 
of U. P.^ of New England, wherein 1st, he congratulates our late 
confederation, then he complains of unsufferable wrongs done 
to their people upon Connecticut, more of late than formerly, 
and of misinformation given by some of ours to the States' 
ambassador in London, and desires to know by a categorical 
answer, whether we will aid or desert them, (meaning of 
Hartford,) that so they may know their friends from their 
enemies, etc. The governor appointed a meeting of some 
of the next magistrates on the second day next, but the 
rain hindering some of them, it was put off to the fifth 

Here arrived a bark of the Earl of Warwick from Trinidado. 
She came for people and provisions, but our people, being well 
informed of the state of those places, were now become wiser, 
and could stay here where they were in better condition than 
they could be in those parts, so he altered his design and went 
toward Canada, and by the way guarded home a pinnace of 
La Tour's which came hither for provisions. 

The wife of one ^plank] Hett, of whom mention was made 
before, being cast out of the church of Boston, the Lord was 
pleased so to honor his own ordinance, that whereas before no 
means could prevail with her either to reclaim her from her 

* United Provinces. 


wicked and blasphemous courses and speeches, etc., or to bring 
her to frequent the means, within a few weeks after her casting 
out, she came to see her sin and lay it to heart, and to frequent 
the means, and so was brought to such manifestation of repent- 
ance and a sound mind, as the church received her in again. 

The day appointed for considering of the letter from the 
Dutch proved again so wet as but few met, and of those some 
would have another day appointed, and all the magistrates to 
be called to it, but others thought it not fit both in regard the 
messenger hasted away, and also, for that no direct answer 
could be returned without a general court. At length ad- 
vising with some of the elders who were at hand, and some 
of the deputies, we returned answer to this effect, (in the name 
of the governor only,) viz. After gratulation, etc., of their 
friendly respect and our earnest desire of the continuance of 
that good correspondency which hath been between themselves 
and us, ever since our arrival in these parts. That our chief 
council, to whom their letters were directed, being far dispersed, 
etc., he was necessitated, with the advice of some other of the 
magistrates, to return this answer to them for the present, being 
rather a declaration of their own conceptions than the deter- 
mination of our chiefest authority, from which they should 
receive further answer in time convenient. We declared our 
grief for the difference between them and our brethren of Hart- 
ford, which we conceived might be composed by arbiters, either 
in England or Holland, or here ; that by our confederation we 
were bound to seek the good and safety of each other as our 
own, which we hoped would not hinder the continuance of that 
amity and correspondency between themselves and us; and 
that the ground of their difference, being only for a small par- 
cel of land, was a matter of so Httle value in this vast continent, 
as was not worthy to cause a breach between two people so 
nearly related, both in profession of the same Protestant 
rehgion and otherwise; therefore we would seriously request 
them, as we would do also the others, that until the justice 


of the cause were decided by one of the ways before named, 
there might be abstinence on both sides from injury and provo- 
cation, and if any should happen on their part, that it might be 
duly examined, and we were assured (they being a people fear- 
ing God, they durst not allow themselves in any unrighteous 
course) they should receive equal satisfaction. See more page 

We received news of a great defeat given the Narragansetts 
by Onkus, and of 15 Dutch slain by the Indians, and much 
beaver taken, and of Mr. Lamberton, etc. 

6. (August).] Onkus,being provoked by Sequasson, a sachem 
of Connecticut, who would not be persuaded by the magistrates 
there to a reconciliation, made war upon him, and slew divers 
of his men and burnt his wigwams ; whereupon Miantunnomoh, 
being his kinsman, took offence against Onkus, and went with 
near 1,000 men and set upon Onkus before he could be provided 
for defence, for he had not then with him above 3 or 400 men. 
But it pleased God to give Onkus the victory, after he had 
killed about 30 of the Narragansetts, and wounded many more, 
and among these two of Canonicus' sons and a brother of 
Miantunnomoh, who fled, but having on a coat of mail, he was 
easily overtaken, which two of his captains perceiving, they 
laid hold on him and carried him to Onkus, hoping thereby to 
procure their own pardon. But so soon as they came to 
Onkus, he slew them presently; and Miantunnomoh standing 
mute, he demanded of him why he would not speak. If you 
had taken me, sayeth he, I would have besought you for 
my life. The news of Miantunnomoh's captivity coming to 
Providence, Gorton and his company, who had bought of him 
the lands belonging to the sachems who were come under our 
jurisdiction, wrote a letter to Onkus, wiUing him to deliver 
their friend Miantunnomoh, and threatened him with the power 
of the Enghsh if he refused, and they sent their letter in the 
name of the governor of Massachusetts. Upon this Onkus 
carries Miantunnomoh to Hartford to take advice of the mag- 


istrates there, and at Miantunnomoh's earnest entreaty he left 
him with them, yet as a prisoner. They kept him under guard, 
but used him ver}^ courteously, and so he continued till the 
commissioners of the United Colonies met at Boston, who 
taking into serious consideration what was safest and best 
to be done, were all of opinion that it would not be safe to set 
him at hberty, neither had we sufficient ground for us to put 
him to death. In this difficulty we called in five of the most 
judicious elders, (it being in the time of the general assembly 
of the elders,) and propounding the case to them, they all agreed 
that he ought to be put to death. Upon this concurrence we 
enjoined secrecy to ourselves and them, lest if it should come to 
the notice of the Narragansetts, they might set upon the com- 
missioners, etc., in their retm-n, to take some of them to redeem 
him, (as Miantunnomoh himself had told Mr. Haynes had been 
in consultation amongst them;) and agreed that, upon the 
return of the commissioners to Hartford, they should send for 
Onkus and tell him our determination, that Miantunnomoh 
should be delivered to him again, and he should put him to 
death so soon as he came within his own jurisdiction, and that 
two English should go along with him to see the execution, 
and that if any Indians should invade him for it, we would 
send men to defend him : If Onkus should refuse to do it, then 
Miantunnomoh should be sent in a pinnace to Boston, there 
to be kept until further consideration. 

The reasons of this proceeding with him were these. 1. 
It was now clearly discovered to us, that there was a general 
conspiracy among the Indians to cut off all the English, and 
that Miantunnomoh was the head and contriver of it. 2. 
He was of a turbulent and proud spirit, and would never be at 
rest. 3. Although he had promised us in the open court to 
send the Pequod to Onkus, who had shot him in the arm with 
intent to have killed him, (which was by the procurement of 
Miantunnomoh as it did probably appear,) yet in his way 
homeward he killed him. 4. He beat one of Pumham's men 


and took away his wampom, and then bid him go and complain 
to the Massachusetts. 

According to this agreement the commissioners, at their 
return to Connecticut, sent for Onkus, and acquainted him 
therewith, who readily undertook the execution, and taking 
Miantunnomoh along with Mm, in the way between Hartford 
and Windsor, (where Onkus hath some men dwell,) Onkus' 
brother, following after Miantunnomoh, clave his head with an 
hatchet, some English being present. And that the Indians 
might know that the Enghsh did approve of it, they sent 12 or 
14 musketeers home with Onkus to abide a time with him for 
his defence, if need should be. ^ 

Mo. 6 (August).] About the 20th of this month the ships 
which went with La Tour came back safe, not one person miss- 
ing or sick. But the report of their actions was offensive and 
grievous to us; for when they drew near to La Tour's place, 
D'Aulnay, having discovered them, set sail with his vessels 
(being two ships and a pinnace) and stood right home to 
Port Royal. Ours pursued them, but could not fetch them 
up, but they ran their ships on ground in the harbor and began 
to fortify themselves: whereupon ours sent a boat to D'Aulnay 
with the governor's letter and a letter from Captain Hawkins, 
who by agreement among themselves was commander in chief. 
The messenger who carried the letters, being one who could 
speak French well, was carried blindfold into the house, and 
there kept six or seven hours, and all D'Aulnay's company phed 
for their fortifying with paUsadoes, and the friars as busy as 

*The conduct of Massachusetts toward Miantonomo seems to students in 
general ungrateful and cruel. No Indian character of that time is more dignified 
and engaging. The most powerful of New England chieftains, he was friendly 
to the new-comers. He resisted the Pequot blandishments in 1636, which saved 
the colonies from destruction. His treatment of Providence and Rhode Island 
in particular had been kind. Possibly Massachusetts was influenced by his 
kindness to the outcast Gorton; but no sufficient reason appears why he should 
have been given over to death. Still, there may have been undercurrents of 
treachery, and we must not forget that the English hold was then very precarious, 
and remained so until after Philip's war. 


any, and encouraging the women, who cried pitifully, teUing 
them we were infidels and heretics. D'Aulnay would not open 
La Tour's letter, because he did not style him Lieutenant 
General, etc., but he returned answer to the governor and to 
Captain Hawkins, and sent him a copy of the arrest against 
La Tour, and showed the original to the messenger, but refused 
to come to any terms of peace. Upon this La Tour urged much 
to have our men to assault him, but they refused. Then he 
desired that some of ours might be landed with his to do some 
mischief to D'Aulnay. Captain Hawkins would send none, 
but gave leave to any that would go; whereupon some 30 of 
ours went with La Tour's men, and were encountered by 
D'Aulnay's men, who had fortified themselves by his mill, but 
were beaten out with loss of three of their men, and none slain 
on our side nor wounded, only three of La Tour's men were 
wounded. They set the mill on fire and burnt some standing 
com, and retired to their ships with one prisoner whom they 
took in the mill. D'Aulnay shot with his ordnance at their 
boats as they went aboard, but missed them, nor did our ships 
make one shot at him again, but set sail and went to La Tour's 
fort. While they lay there, D'Aulnay's pinnace came, suppos- 
ing he and his ships had been still there, and brought in her 
400 moose skins and 400 beaver skins. These they took with- 
out any resistance and divided them; one third La Tour had 
and the pinnace, one third to the ships, and the other to the 
men. So they continued there till their time was near expired, 
and were paid their hire and returned, one ship coming a good 
time before the other; and the pinnace went up John's river 
some 20 leagues and loaded with coal. They brought a piece 
of white marble, whereof there is great store near his fort, 
which makes very good Hme.^ 

Mo. 7 (September).] The Indians near the Dutch, having 
killed 15 men, as is before related, proceeded on and began to 

* The English thus became much farther involved in the quarrel between 
the Frenchmen than was intended. 


set upon the English who dwelt under the Dutch. They came 
to Mrs. Hutchinson's in way of friendly neighborhood, as they 
had been accustomed, and taking their opportunity, killed her 
and Mr. Collins, her son-in-law, (who had been kept prisoner 
in Boston, as is before related,) and all her family, and such of 
Mr. Throckmorton's and Mr. Cornhill's families as were at 
home; in all sixteen, and put their cattle into their houses 
and there burnt them. By a good providence of God, there 
was a boat came in there at the same instant, to which some 
women and children fled, and so were saved, but two of the 
boatmen going up to the houses were shot and killed.* 

These people had cast off ordinances and churches, and now 
at last their own people, and for larger accommodation had 
subjected themselves to the Dutch and dwelt scatteringly near 
a mile asunder: and some that escaped, who had removed 
only for want (as they said) of hay for their cattle which 
increased much, now coming back again to Aquiday, they 
wanted cattle for their grass. These Indians having killed 
and driven away all the Enghsh upon the main as far as Stam- 
ford, (for so far the Dutch had gained possession by the Eng- 
hsh,) they passed on to Long Island and there assaulted the 
Lady Moodey in her house divers times, for there were 40 men 
gathered thither to defend it. 

These Indians at the same time set upon the Dutch with 
an implacable fury, and killed all they could come by, and 
burnt their houses and killed their cattle without any resist- 
ance, so as the governor and such as escaped betook them- 
selves to their fort at Monhaton, and there hved and eat up their 

4.] There was an assembly at Cambridge of all the elders 
in the country, (about 50 in all,) such of the ruling elders as 

* Here ends the painful tragedy of Anne Hutchinson's life. The location 
was the point now known as Pelham Neck, near New Rochelle, New York. It 
is still marked by the local nomenclature, for though the name of Anne's Hoeck 
has disappeared, Hutchinson Creek still perpetuates her memory. 


would were present also, but none else. They sat in the college, 
and had their diet there after the manners of scholars' com- 
mons, but somewhat better, yet so ordered as it came not to 
above sixpence the meal for a person. Mr. Cotton and Mr. 
Hooker were chosen moderators. The principal occasion 
was because some of the elders went about to set up some 
things according to the presbytery, as of Newbury, etc. The 
assembly concluded against some parts of the presbyterial way, 
and the Newbury ministers took time to consider the argu- 
ments, etc.^ 

7.] Upon the complaint of the English of Patuxet near 
Providence, who had submitted to our jurisdiction, and the two 
Indian sachems there, of the continual injuries offered them by 
Gorton and his company, the general court sent for them, by 
letter only, not in way of command, to come answer the com- 
plaints, and sent them letters of safe conduct. But they an- 
swered our messengers disdainfully, refused to come, but sent 
two letters full of blasphemy against the churches and magis- 
tracy, and other provoking terms, shghting all we could do 
against them. So that having sent three times, and receiving 
no other answer, we took testimonies against them both of 
English and Indians, and determined to proceed with them by 
force. And because they had told our messengers the last time, 
that if we had anything to say to th^ii, if we would come to 
them, they would do us justice therein, therefore we wrote to 
them to this effect, viz. ; To the end that our justice and mod- 
eration might appear to all men, we would condescend so far to 
them as to send commissioners to hear their answers and alle- 
gations, and if thereupon they would give us such satisfaction 
as should be just, we would leave them in peace, if otherwise, 
we would proceed by force of arms ; and signified withal that 
we would send a sufficient guard with our commissioners. 
For seeing they would not trust themselves with us upon our 

' An echo of the dispute between Presbyterianism and the rising Indepen- 
dency, which in England had now become acute. 


safe conduct, we had no reason to trust ourselves with them 
upon their bare courtesy. And accordingly we sent the next 
week Captain George Cook, Lieutenant Atherton, and Ed- 
ward Johnson,* with commission and instructions, (the in- 
structions would here be inserted at large,) and with them 
40 soldiers. 

They came to Providence, and by the way received another 
letter from Gorton, of the like contents with the former, and 
told them plainly they were prepared for them, etc. Being 
come near, they found they had put themselves all into one 
house, which they had made musket-proof with two flankers. 
But by the mediation of others of Providence, they came 
to parley, and then offered to refer their cause to arbitrators, 
(alleging that we were parties, and so not equal judges,) so as 
some of them might be of Providence or of Aquiday, and 
offered their cattle for security to abide the order, etc. Our 
commissioners, through importunity of themselves and others 
of Providence, were content to send to us to know our minds 
about it. Their letter came to us, when a committee, ap- 
pointed by the general court, were met about the tidings of 
Miantunnomoh's death; so calling into us five or six of the 
elders who were near at hand, we considered of the motion, 
and agreed that it was neither seasonable nor reasonable, 
neither safe nor honorable, for us to accept of such a proposi- 
tion. 1. Because they would never off er us any terms of peace 
before we had sent our soldiers. 2. Because the ground of it 
was false, for we were not parties in the case between the 
Indians and them, but the proper judges, they being all within 
our jurisdiction by the Indians and English their own grant. 
3. They were no state, but a few fugitives living without law or 
government, and so not honorable for us to join with them in 

' Cook returning to England became a colonel in Cromwell's army. Atherton 
at a later time became major-general of the colonial forces, and while holding 
that position was killed by a fall from his horse in 1665. Johnson was the author 
of the Wonder-Working Providence. 


such a course. 4. The parties whom they would refer it unto 
were such as were rejected by us, and all the governments 
in the country, and besides, not men likely to be equal to 
us, or able to judge of the cause. 5. Their blasphemous and 
reviling writings, etc., were not matters fit to be compounded 
by arbitrament, but to be purged away only by repentance 
and pubHc satisfaction, or else by pubhc punishment. 

And lastly, the commission and instructions being given 
them by the general court, it was not in our power to alter 
them; so accordingly we wrote to our commissioners to pro- 
ceed, which accordingly they did, and approached the house, 
where they had fortified themselves, with trenches so near as 
they might fire the house, which they attempted two or three 
times, but they within quenched it. At last three of them 
escaped out and ran away, and the rest yielded and were 
brought to Boston, and were committed to the prison. It was 
a special providence of God that neither any of them nor of 
ours were slain or hurt, though many shot passed between 
them, but every man returned safe and hale. See more, page 

Here wants the beginning which may be supplied out of the 
records, 64. 

Other affairs were transacted by the commissioners of the 
United Colonies, as writing letters to the Swedish governor 
in Delaware river, concerning the foul injuries offered by him 
to Mr. Lamberton and those people whom New Haven had 
planted there, and also to the Dutch governor about the 
injuries his agent there had also offered and done to them, as 
burning down their trading house, joining with the Swedes 
against them, etc. But this was inserted in the letter which 
the general court sent to him in further answer of that which 
he sent to them, as is expressed herebef ore ; in which letter we 
declared the complaints which had been made by our confed- 
erates both of Hartford and New Haven, of their injurious 
dealings, as well at Hartford and New Haven as at Delaware : 


also our opinion of the justice of the cause of Hartford in 
respect of title of the land in question between them, which 
we could not change, except we might see more hght than had 
yet appeared to us by the title the Dutch insisted upon, nor 
might we desert either of our confederates in a righteous cause. 
And we gave also commission to Mr. Lamberton to go treat 
with the Swedish governor about satisfaction for those injuries 
and damages, and to agree with him about settUng their trade 
and plantation. This Swedish governor demeaned himself as 
if he had neither Christian nor moral conscience, getting Mr. 
Lamberton into his power by feigned and false pretences, and 
keeping him prisoner and some of his men, laboring by prom- 
ises and threats to draw them to accuse him to have conspired 
with the Indians to cut off the Swedes and Dutch, and not 
prevailing these ways, then by attempting to make them 
drunk, that so he might draw something from them: and 
in the end, (though he could gain no testimony,) yet he forced 
him to pay [blank] weight of beaver before he would set him at 
liberty. He is also a man very furious and passionate, cursing 
and swearing, and also reviUng the EngUsh of New Haven as 
runagates, etc., and himself with his own hands put irons upon 
one of Mr. Lamberton 's men, and went also to the houses of 
those few families planted there, and forced some of them to 
swear allegiance to the crown of Sweden, though he had no 
color of title to that place, and such as would not, he drave 
away, etc. All these things were clearly proved by Mr. Lam- 
berton 's relation, and by other testimony upon oath, but this 
was before he was sent with commission.* 

About this time our governor received letters from PhiUp 
Bell, Esq., governor of Barbados, complaining of the distracted 
condition of that island in regard of divers sects of famihsts 

^ The settlement of the New Haven men was near the present site of Salem, 
New Jersey. The story is told by Professor Keen in Winsor's Narrative and 
Critical History, IV. 451-457, from the reports of Governor Johan Printz and 
other Swedish sources. 


sprung up there, and their turbulent practices, which had 
forced him to proceed against some of them by banishment, 
and others of mean quahty by whipping ; and earnestly desir- 
ing us to send them some godly ministers and other good people. 
The governor imparted the letter to the court and elders, but 
none of our ministers would go thither, and the governor 
returned answer accordingly. 

8. (October) 12.] The new sachem of Narraganset, Miantun- 
nomoh's brother called Pesecus, a young man about 20, sent 
a present to our governor, viz., an otter coat and girdle of 
wampom, and some other wampom, in all worth about 15 
pounds, and desired peace and friendship with us, and withal 
that we would not aid Onkus against him, whom he intended 
to make war upon in revenge of his brother's death. Our 
governor answered the messengers, that we were willing to have 
peace and friendship with him, and to that end had sent mes- 
sengers to Canonicus, (whom it seemed they met with by the 
way,) but we desired withal that there might be peace with all 
Indians also, both Onkus and others, and that we had also sent 
to Ousamekin to that end ; therefore except their sachem would 
agree to it, we could not receive his present. They rephed that 
they had no instructions about the matter, but would return 
back and acquaint their sachem with it, and retm'n to us again, 
and desired to leave their present with our governor in the 
mean time, which he agreed unto. 

13.] Captain Cook and his company, which were sent 
out against Gorton, returned to Boston, and the captives, 
being nine, were brought to the governor his house in a miU- 
tary order, viz., the soldiers being in two files, and after every 
five or six soldiers a prisoner. So being before his door, the 
commissioners came in, and after the governor had saluted 
them, he went forth with them, and passing through the files, 
welcomed them home, blessing God for preserving and pros- 
pering them, and gave them all thanks for their pains and good 
carriage, and desired of the captain a list of their names, that 


the court, etc., might know them if hereafter there should be 
occasion to make use of such men. This good acceptance 
and commendation of their service gave many of them more 
content than their wages, (which yet was very Hberal, ten shil- 
Hngs per week, and they to victual themselves, and it is need- 
ful in all such commonwealths where the state desires to be 
served by volunteers). Then having conferred privately with 
the commissioners, he caused the prisoners to be brought 
before him in his hall, where was a great assembly, and there 
laid before them their contemptuous carriage towards us, and 
their obstinacy against all the fair means and moderation we 
had used to reform them and bring them to do right to those of 
ours whom they had wronged, and how the Lord had now 
justly delivered them into our hands. They pleaded in their 
excuse that they were not of our jurisdiction, and that though 
they had now yielded themselves to come and answer before 
us, yet they yielded not as prisoners. The governor rephed, 
they were brought to him as taken in war, and so our commis- 
sioners had informed, but if they could plead any other quarter 
or agreement our commissioners had made with them, we 
must and would perform it; to which they made no answer. 
So the governor committed them to the marshal to convey to 
the common prison, and gave order they should be well pro- 
vided for both for lodging and diet. Then he went forth again 
with the captain, and the soldiers gave him three volhes of shot 
and so departed to the inn, where the governor had appointed 
some refreshing to be provided for them, above their wages. 

The next Lord's day in the forenoon, the prisoners would not 
come to the meeting, so as the magistrates determined they 
should be compelled. They agreed to come, so as they might 
have Uberty after sermon to speak, if they had occasion. 
The magistrates' answer was, that they did leave the ordering 
of things in the church to the elders, but there was no doubt 
but they might have leave to speak, so as they spake the words 
of truth and sobriety. So in the afternoon they came, and 


were placed in the fourth seat right before the elders. Mr. 
Cotton (in his ordinary text) taught then out of Acts 19. of 
Demetrius pleading for Diana's silver shrines or temples, etc. 
After sermon Gorton desired leave to speak, which being grant- 
ed, he repeated the points of Mr. Cotton's sermon, and coming 
to that of the silver shrines, he said that in the church there 
was nothing now but Christ, so that all our ordinances, minis- 
ters, sacraments, etc., were but men's inventions for show and 
pomp, and no other than those silver shrines of Diana. He 
said also that if Christ lived eternally, then he died eternally; 
and it appeared both by his letters and examinations that he 
held that Christ was incarnate in Adam, and that he was that 
image of God wherein Adam was created, and that the chief 
work and merit was in that his incarnation, in that he became 
such a thing, so mean, etc., and that his being bom after of the 
Virgin Mary and suffering, etc., was but a manifestation of his 
sufferings, etc., in Adam. Likewise in his letter he condemned 
and reviled magistracy, calling it an idol, alleging that a man 
might as well be a slave to his belly as to his own species : yet 
being examined he would acknowledge magistracy to be an 
ordinance of God in the world as marriage was, viz., no other 
magistracy but what was natural, as the father over his wife 
and children, and an hereditary prince over his subjects. 

When the general court was assembled, Gorton and his com- 
pany were brought forth upon the lecture day at Boston, and 
there, before a great assembly, the governor declared the cause 
and manner of our proceeding against them, and their letters 
were openly read, and all objections answered. As 1. That 
they were not within our jurisdiction. To this was answered. 
1. That they were either within Plymouth or Mr. Fen wick,* and 
they had yielded their power to us in this cause. 2. If they 
were under no jurisdiction, then had we none to complain unto 
for redress of our injuries, and then we must either right our- 
selves and our subjects by force of arms, or else we must sit 

^ I.e., Say brook. 


still under all their reproaches and injuries, among which 
they had this insolent passage. — ''We do more disdain that 
you should send for us to come to you, than you could do, if 
we should send for the chiefest among you to come up to us, 
and be employed according to our pleasure in such works as 
we should appoint you." 

As for their opinions, we did not meddle with them for those, 
otherwise than they had given us occasion by their letters to us, 
and by their free and open publishing them amongst us, for we 
wrote to them only about civil controversies between them and 
our people, and gave them no occasion to vent their blasphem- 
ings and revilings, etc. And for their title to the Indians' land, 
we had divers times desired them to make it appear, but they 
always refused, even to our commissioners whom we sent last 
to them ; and since they were in prison, we offered to send for 
any witnesses they would desire, but still they refused, so that 
our title appearing good and we having now regained our pos- 
session, we need not question them any more about that. 
Their letters being read, they were demanded severally if they 
would maintain those things which were contained therein. 
They answered they would in that sense wherein they wrote 

After this they were brought before the court severally to be 
examined, (divers of the elders being desired to be present,) 
and because they had said they could give a good interpreta- 
tion of all they had written, they were examined upon the par- 
ticular passages. But the interpretation they gave being con- 
tradictory to their expressions, they were demanded then if 
they would retract those expressions, but that they refused, and 
said still that they should then deny the truth. For instance 
in one or two ; their letters were directed, one to their neigh- 
bors of the Massachusetts, and the other of them to the great 
honored idol general of the Massachusetts, and by a messenger 
of their own delivered to oiu- governor, and many passages 
in both letters particularly applied to our courts, our magis- 


trates, our elders, etc., yet in their examinations about their 
reproachful passages, they answered, that they meant them of 
the corrupt estate of mankind in general and not of us, etc. 
So whereas in their letters they impute it to us as an error, that 
we teach that Christ died actually only when he suffered under 
Pontius Pilate, and before only in types, upon their examina- 
tion they say that their meaning was, that his death was actual 
to the faith of the fathers under the law, which is in effect no 
other than we hold, yet they account it an error in us, and 
would not retract that charge. One of the cldcre had been in 
the prison with them, and had conferred with them about their 
opinions, and they expressed their agreement with him in 
every point, so as he intended to move for favor for them, 
but when he heard their answer upon their examination, 
he found how he had been deluded by them ; for they excel the 
Jesuits in the art of equivocation, and regard not how false 
they speak to all other men's apprehensions, so they keep to 
the rules of their own meaning. Gorton maintained, that the 
image of God wherein Adam was created was Christ, and so 
the loss of that image was the death of Christ, and the restor- 
ing of it in regeneration was Christ's resurrection, and so the 
death of him that was bom of the Virgin Mary was but a 
manifestation of the former. In their letters, etc., they con- 
demned all ordinances in the church, caUing baptism an abom- 
ination, and the Lord's supper the juice of a poor silly grape 
turned into the blood of Christ by the skill of our magicians, 
etc. Yet upon examination they would say they did allow 
them to be the ordinances of Christ; but their meaning was 
that they were to continue no longer than the infancy of the 
church lasted, (and but to novices then,) for after the revelation 
was written they were to cease, for there is no mention of them, 
say they, in that book. 

They were all illiterate men, the ablest of them could not 
write true Enghsh, no not common words, yet they would take 
upon them the interpretation of the most difficult places of 


scripture, and wrest them any way to serve their own turns: 
as to give one instance for many. Mr. Cotton pressing them 
with that in Acts 10. '^Who can forbid water why these 
should not be baptized? so he commanded them to be bap- 
tized" they interpret thus. Who can deny but these have been 
baptized, seeing they have received the Holy Ghost, etc., so he 
allowed them to have been baptized. This shift they were put 
to, that they might maintain their former opinion, That such 
as have been baptized with the Holy Ghost need not the out- 
ward baptism. 

The court and the elders spent near a whole day in dis- 
covery of Gorton's deep mysteries which he had boasted of in 
his letters, and to bring him to conviction, but all was in vain. 
Much pains was also taken with the rest, but to as Httle effect. 
They would acknowledge no error or fault in their writings, 
and yet would seem sometimes to consent with us in the truth. 

After all these examinations the coiu-t began to consult 
about their sentence. The judgment of the elders also had 
been demanded about their blasphemous speeches and opinions, 
what punishment was due by the word of God. Their answer 
was first in writing, that if they should maintain them as ex- 
pressed in their writings, their offence deserved death by the 
law of God. The same some of them declared after in open 
court. But before the court would proceed to determine of 
their sentence, they agreed first upon their charge, and then 
calUng them all pubhcly they declared to them what they had 
to charge them with, out of their letter and speeches. Their 
charge was this, viz. They were charged to be blasphemous 
enemies of the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of all 
his holy ordinances, and Hkewise of all civil government among 
his people, and particularly within this jurisdiction. Then 
they were demanded whether they did acknowledge this 
charge to be just, and did submit to it, or what exceptions they 
had against it. They answered they did not acknowledge it 
to be just, but they took no particular exceptions to it, but fell 


into some cavilling speeches, so they were returned to prison 
again. Being in prison they behaved insolently towards their 
keeper, and spake evil of the magistrates. Whereupon some 
of the magistrates were very earnest to have irons presently 
put upon them. Others thought it better to forbear all such 
severity till their sentence were passed. This latter opinion 

After divers means had been used both in public and private 
to reclaim them, and all proving fruitless, the court proceeded 
to consider of their sentence, in which the court was much di- 
vided. All the magistrates, save three, were of opinion that 
Gorton ought to die, but the greatest number of the deputies 
dissenting, that vote did not pass. In the end all agreed upon 
this sentence, for seven of them, viz., that they should be dis- 
persed into seven several towns, and there kept to work for 
their living, and wear irons upon one leg, and not to depart 
the limits of the town, nor by word or writing maintain any 
of their blasphemous or wicked errors upon pain of death, 
only with exception for speech with any of the elders, or any 
other hcensed by any magistrate to confer with them; this 
censure to continue during the pleasure of the court. 

There were three more taken in the house with them, but 
because they had not their hands to the letters, they were dis- 
missed, two of them upon a small ransom, as captives taken 
in war, and the third freely, for that he was but in his master's 
house, etc. A fourth, being foimd to be an ignorant young 
man, was only enjoined to abide in Watertown upon pain of 
the court's displeasure only. 

At the next court they were all sent away, because we 
found that they did corrupt some of our people, especially the 
women, by their heresies. 

About a week after, we sent men to fetch so many of their 
cattle as might defray our charges, both of the soldiers and of 
the court, which spent many days about them, and for their ex- 
penses in prison. It came to in all about 160 pounds. There 


were three who escaped out of the house ; these being sent for 
to come in, two of them did so, and one of them, because his 
hand was not to the letters, was freely discharged, the other 
was sent home upon his own bond to appear at the next court, 
(only some of his cattle were taken towards the charges). 
There was a fourth who had his hand to the first letter, but he 
died before our soldiers went, and we left his whole estate to 
his wife and children. Their arms were all taken from them, 
and of their guns the court gave one fowhng piece to Pum- 
ham and another to Saconoco, and hberty granted them to 
have powder as being now within our jurisdiction.^ 

The Lord Bartemore being owner of much land near Vir- 
ginia, being himself a papist, and his brother Mr. Calvert 
the governor there a papist also, but the colony consisted 
both of Protestants and papists, he wrote a letter to Captain 
Gibbons of Boston, and sent him a commission, wherein he 
made tender of land in Maryland to any of ours that would 
transport themselves thither, with free liberty of religion, and 
all other privileges which the place afforded, paying such an- 
nual rent as should be agreed upon; but our captain had no 
mind to further his desire herein, nor had any of our people 
temptation that way.^ 

5. {July) 13.] One Captain John Chaddock, son of him 
that was governor of Bermuda, a godly gentleman, but late re- 
moving from them with his family and about 100 more to 
Trinidado, where himself and wife and most of his company 

* The treatment of Gorton and his associates, given in such detail by Winthrop, 
is also the subject of numerous scattered entries in the Records of Massachtisetts, 
Vol. II., p. 51, etc. Though the story is repulsive, the procedure is consistent 
with Massachusetts custom. The come-outers vi^ere severely punished, but their 
offence was great: the New England magistrates were "just asses," they declared, 
and denunciation and contempt were poured out upon what the colonists revered. 
There was danger that Gorton might secure a numerous following. In England, 
at last, he found a tolerance such as New England was not yet ready to grant. 

^ The liberality of Maryland contrasts remarkably with the narrowness of 
Massachusetts. For a consideration of Maryland toleration see John Fiske, 
Old Virginia and her Neighbors, I. 319. 


died, arrived here in a man of war of about 100 tons, set forth 
by the Earl of Warwick. He came hither for planters for 
Trinidado, (Mr. Humfrey having told the Earl that he might be 
supphed from hence,) but here was not any that would enter 
upon that voyage, etc. So La Tour having a pinnace here at 
the same time, they hired Captain Chaddock for two months at 
200 pounds the month, partly to convoy the pinnace home 
from the danger of D'Aulnay his vessels, and partly for other 
service against D'Aulnay there. But when they came, they 
found D'Aulnay gone into France, and a new fort raised at 
Port Royal, and a pinnace ready to go forth to trade, so they 
kept her in so long till the season was over and his two months 
out, and then he returned to Boston. When he was come in 
near the town, his men going up upon the main yard to hand 
in the sail, the main tie brake, and the yard faUing down shook 
off five men into the sea, and though it were calm and smooth 
water, yet not having their boat out, three of them were 
drowned. One of these had taken some things out of the de- 
serted castle, as they went out. Notwithstanding this sad 
accident, yet so soon as they came on shore, they fell to drink- 
ing, etc., and that evening, the captain and his master being at 
supper and having drank too much, the captain began to speak 
evil of the country, swearing fearfully, that we were a base 
heathen people. His master answered that he had no reason 
to say so, for it was the best place that ever he came in. Upon 
these and other speeches the captain arose and drew his sword, 
and the master drew forth his pistol, but the company staying 
them from doing any mischief, the captain swarc blood and 
wounds he would kill him. For this they were brought before 
the court, and the captain fined 20 pounds and committed to 
the marshal till he gave security for it. The master for that 
he was in drink, as he ingenuously acknowledged, etc., was 
fined only 10 shillings, but was set at liberty from the captain, 
who had formerly misused other of his men, and was a very 
proud and intemperate man. But because the ship was the 


Earl of Warwick's, who had always been forward to do good 
to our colony, we wrote to him, that the fine should be reserved 
to be at his lordship's disposing, when he should please to 
command or call for it. See the next page. 

10. (December) 27.] By order of the general court all the 
magistrates and the teaching elders of the six nearest churches 
were appointed to be forever governors of the college, and this 
day they met at Cambridge and considered of the officers of the 
college, and chose a treasurer, H. Pelham, Esq., being the first 
in that office. 

This day five ships set sail from Boston ; three of them were 
built here, two of 300 tons and the other of 160. One of them 
was bound for London with many passengers, men of chief 
rank in the country, and great store of beaver. Their adven- 
ture was very great, considering the doubtful estate of the 
affairs of England, but many prayers of the churches went 
with them and followed after them. 


11. (January) 2.] Captain Chaddock having bought from 
the French a pinnace of about 30 tons, (which La Tour sold 
him for a demiculverin and was the same which was taken before 
from D'AuInay,) he had manned and fitted her to go in her 
to Trinidado, and riding before Boston ready to depart, and 
eight men aboard her, one striking fire with a pistol, two bar- 
rels of powder took fire and blew her up : five of the men being 
in the cabin were destroyed, and the other three being in the 
other part were much scorched and hurt, but got into their 
boat and were saved. The captain himself was then on shore 
at Boston. It is observable that these men making no use of 
the sudden loss of three of their company, but falling to drink- 
ing, etc., that very evening this judgment came thus upon 
them. It is also to be observed that two vessels have thus been 
blown up in our harbor, and both belonging to such as despised 
us and the ordinance of God amongst us. See more, page 

About this time Captain Daniel Patrick was killed at Stam- 
ford by a Dutchman, who shot him dead with a pistol. This 
captain was entertained by us out of Holland (where he was a 
common soldier of the Prince's guard) to exercise our men. 
We made him a captain, and maintained him. After, he was 
admitted a member of the church of Watertown and a freeman. 
But he grew very proud and vicious, for though he had a wife 
of his own, a good Dutch woman and comely, yet he despised 
her and followed after other women; and perceiving that he 
was discovered, and that such evil courses would not be en- 
dured here, and being withal of a vain and unsettled disposi- 
tion, he went from us, and sat down within twenty miles of 
the Dutch, and put himself under their protection, and joined 



to their church, without being dismissed from Watertown : but 
when the Indians arose in those parts, he fled to Stamford and 
there was slain. The Dutchman who killed him was appre- 
hended, but made an escape; and this was the fruit of his 
wicked course and breach of covenant with his wife, with the 
church, and with that state who had called him and maintained 
him, and he found his death from that hand where he sought 
protection. It is observable that he was killed upon the Lord's 
day in the time of afternoon exercise (for he seldom went to 
the pubhc assemblies). It was in Captain Underhill's house. 
The Dutchman had charged him with treachery, for causing 
120 men to come to him upon his promise to direct them to 
the Indians, etc., but deluded them. Whereupon the captain 
gave him ill language and spit in his face, and turning to go 
out, the Dutchman shot him behind in the head, so he fell 
down dead and never spake. The murderer escaped out of 

10. (December) S.f The Hopewell, a ship of Boston, about 
60 tons, arrived ; the freight was wines, pitch, sugar, ginger, etc. 
She had her lading at Palma an island near Teneriffe. The 
Spaniards used our people courteously, but put them to give 
security by some English merchants residing there to discharge 
their cargoes at Boston, for they would not have the Portugals 
of the Madeiras to have any goods from them.^ She performed 
her voyage in four months. She went a second voyage thither 
soon after, but was never heard of. Her lading was corn in 

At this time came over Thomas Morton, our professed old 
adversary, who had set forth a book against us, and written 
reproachful and menacing letters to some of us.^ 

Some of Watertown began a plantation at Martin's Vine- 
yard beyond Cape Cod, and divers famiUes going thither, they 

*7. e., December 3, 1643. 

* Portugal had revolted from Spain, and war existed between the two. 

' Thomas Morton of Merry Momit, author of the New English Canaan. 


procured a young man, one Mr. Green, a scholar, to be their 
minister, in hopes soon to gather a church there. He went 

Others of the same town began also a plantation at Nasha- 
way' some 15 miles N. W. from Sudbmy. 

11. {January) 18.] About midnight, three men, coming 
in a boat to Boston, saw two hghts arise out of the water near 
the north point of the town cove, in form like a man, and 
went at a small distance to the town, and so to the south point, 
and there vanished away. They saw them about a quarter 
of an hour, being between the town and the governor's garden. 
The like was seen by many, a week after, arising about Castle 
Island and in one fifth of an hour came to John Gallop's point. 

The country being weary of the charge of maintaining Castle 
Island, the last general court made an order to have it de- 
serted and the ordnance fetched away; but Boston and other 
towns in the bay finding that thereupon the masters of some 
ships which came from England took occasion to slight us and 
to offer injury to our people, having liberty to ride and go out 
under no command, and considering also how easily any of 
our towns in the bay might be surprised, we having no strength 
without to stop them or to give notice of an enemy, they chose 
certain men out of the several towns who met at Boston to 
consider of some course of repairing and maintaining it at their 
proper charge: but the difficulty was, how to do it without 
offence to the general court who had ordered the deserting of 
it, etc. 

The 18th of this month two fights were seen near Boston, 
(as is before mentioned,) and a week after the fike was seen 
again. A fight like the moon arose about the N. E. point in 
Boston, and met the former at Nottles Island, and there they 
closed in one, and then parted, and closed and parted divers 
times, and so went over the hill in the island and vanished. 
Sometimes they shot out flames and sometimes sparkles. This 

* Now Lancaster, Mass. 


was about eight of the clock in the evening, and was seen by 
many. About the same time a voice was heard upon the 
water between Boston and Dorchester, calHng out in a most 
dreadful manner, boy, boy, come away, come away: and it 
suddenly shifted from one place to another a great distance, 
about twenty times. It was heard by divers godly persons. 
About 14 days after, the same voice in the same dreadful man- 
ner was heard by others on the other side of the town towards 
Not ties Island. 

These prodigies having some reference to the place where 
Captain Chaddock's pinnace was blown up a httle before, gave 
occasion of speech of that man who was the cause of it, who 
professed himself to have skill in necromancy, and to have 
done some strange things in his way from Virginia hither, and 
was suspected to have murdered his master there; but the 
magistrates here had not notice of him till after he was blown 
up. This is to be observed that his fellows were all found, and 
others who were blown up in the former ship were also found, 
and others also who have miscarried by drowning, etc., have 
usually been found, but this man was never found. 

12. (February) 5.] Cutshamekin, and Agawam, and Josias, 
Chickatabot his heir, came to the governor, and in their own 
name and the names of all the sachems of Watchusett,* and all 
the Indians from Merrimack to Tecticutt,^ tendered themselves 
to our government, and gave the governor a present of 30 
fathom of wampom, and offered to come to the next court to 
make their acknowledgment, etc. The governor received their 
present to keep it till the court, etc., and if the court and they 
did agree, then to accept it. We now began to conceive hope 
that the Lord's time was at hand for opening a door of hght 
and grace to those Indians, and some fruit appeared of our kind 
deahng with Pumham and Sacononoco, protecting them against 
the Narragansett, and righting them against Gorton, etc., who 
had taken away their land : for this example gave encourage- 

* Princeton. * Taunton. 


ment to all these Indians to come in and submit to our govern- 
ment, in expectation of the like protection and benefit. 

16.] Pesacus, the Narragansett sachem, sent again a mes- 
sage to the governor with another present by Washose, a 
sachem who came before, and his errand was, that seeing they, 
at our request, had sitten still this year, that now this next year 
we would grant their request, and suffer them to fight with 
Onkus, with many arguments. The governor refused his 
present, and told him that if they sent us 1000 fathom of 
wampom and 1000 skins, yet we would not do that which we 
judged to be unjust, viz. to desert Onkus, but our resolution 
was, and that they must rest upon, that if they made war upon 
Onkus, the English would all fall upon them. 

1. (March) 23.] The Trial (the first ship built in Boston) 
being about 160 tons, Mr. Thomas Graves, an able and a godly 
man, master of her, was sent to Bilboa in the 4th month last, 
with fish, which she sold there at a good rate, and from thence 
she freighted to Malaga, and arrived here this day laden with 
wine, fruit, oil, iron, and wool, which was a great advantage to 
the country, and gave encouragement to trade. So soon as she 
was fitted (3.) (May) she was set forth again to trade with La 
Tour, and so along the eastern coast towards Canada. 

One Mr. Rigby, a lawyer and a parliament man, wealthy 
and religious, had purchased the Plough Patent lying at Sagad- 
ahock, and had given commission to one Mr. Cleaves, as his 
deputy, to govern the people there, etc. He, landing at Boston, 
and knowing how distasteful this would be to the governor of 
Sir Ferdinand Gorges' province of New Somersetshire, who 
challenged jurisdiction in a great part of Ligonia or the Plough 
patent, petitioned the general court to write to them on his 
behalf, but the court thought not fit so to do, but rather that 
the governor should write in his own name only, which he did 
accordingly. But when Mr. Cleaves came to set this commis- 
sion on foot, and called a court at Casco, Mr. Richard Vines 
and other of Sir Ferdinand Gorges' commissioners opposed, 


and called another court at Saco the same time: whereupon 
the inhabitants were divided; those of Casco, etc., wrote to 
Mr. Vines that they would stand to the judgment of the 
magistrates of the bay till it were decided in England, to 
which government they should belong, and sent this letter by 
one Tucker. Mr. Vines imprisoned him, and the next day took 
his bond for his appearance at Saco and his good behavior. 
Upon this Mr. Cleaves and the rest, about thirty persons, wrote 
to our governor for assistance against Mr. Vines, and tendered 
themselves to the consociation of the United -Colonies. The 
governor returned answer, that he must first advise with 
the commissioners of the United Colonies. And beside, they 
had an order not to receive any but such as were in a church 
way, etc.* 

Not long after, viz. (2.) (April) 24, Mr. Vines came to Boston 
with a letter from himself and the other of Sir F. Gorges' com- 
missioners, and other inhabitants of the province, between 20 
and 30. 

Three fishermen of a boat belonging to Isle of Shoals were 
very profane men, and scomers of religion, and were drinking 
all the Lord's day, and the next week their boat was cast upon 
the rocks at the Isle of Shoals, and they drowned. 

There was little rain this winter, and no snow till the 3d of 
the 1st month, the wind continuing W. and N. W. near six 
weeks, which was an occasion that very many houses were 
burned down, and much chattels (in some of them) to a greater 
value than in 14 years before. 

1. (March) 7.] Boston, Charlestown, Roxbury, Dorchester, 
Cambridge, and Watertown, conceiving that the want of fortifi- 
cation at Castle Island would leave them open to an enemy, 
appointed a committee to consider how it might be fortified, 
and coming to some conclusion about it, they advised with the 

' The arrival of the Plough with the "Husbandmen", who were to occupy a 
tract at Casco Bay, afterward called Ligonia, and the Plough Patent, are de- 
scribed in Vol. I., p. 65, note 2. 


governor and some other of the magistrates, who encouraged 
them in it, as the elders also did in their sermons ; but because 
the general court had given order for fetching off the ordnance, 
etc., it was thought fit not to attempt any thing without the 
advice of the same. It fell out also that five of the neighboring 
Indian sachems came at the same time to the governor with a 
present of wampom about 30 fathom, worth some 8 pounds, and 
desired to come under our government as Pumham and Sacono- 
noco had done. For these two occasions the governor sum- 
moned a general court to be held at Boston this day, (the court 
of assistants being to begin the 5th day before,) where the 
committees of the said six towns exhibited a petition for fortify- 
ing of the said Island, craving help also from the country, 
though they had agreed to do it at their own charge rather than 
fail. The court refusing to undertake it, they gave in certain 
propositions whereby they craved some aid, at least for main- 
taining of the garrison, and some privileges and immunities. 
These coming to be debated in the court, some opposition there 
was, which had almost discouraged the committee. The argu- 
ments brought against it were chiefly these. 1. The great 
charge. 2. The little help it could afford against a strong 
enemy. 3. The opportunity left of another passage by Bird 
Island. But these objections were so far removed, as after 
much debate, the court voted for the fortification, and granted 
100 poimds pay for the maintenance of it, when it should be in 
defence and a garrison of 20 men residing there ; and 50 pounds 
towards the securing the other passage. And a committee was 
appointed to draw up a commission for him who should have 
command in chief, etc. But this allowance was yielded rather 
out of a willingness to gratify these six towns (being near one 
half of the commonwealth for number of people and substance) 
and to keep loving correspondency among all the towns, rather 
than out of any confidence of safety by it. Many also of good 
judgment did conceive that the fortifications would not be 
accomphshed according to the dimensions propounded, nor 


so great a garrison maintained, for the people were known 
generally to be more willing and forward in such public en- 
gagements, than able, upon trial, to perform them : for in such 
cases, the major part, which carries the vote, is of such as can 
afford least help to the work. 

The court finding that Gorton and his company did harm in 
the towns where they were confined, and not knowing what to 
do with them, at length agreed to set them at liberty, and gave 
them 14 days to depart out of our jurisdiction in all parts, and 
no more to come into it upon pain of death. This censure was 
thought too light and favorable, but we knew not how in justice 
we could inflict any punishment upon them, the sentence of the 
court being already passed, etc. 

At this court Cutshamekin and squaw sachem, Masconono- 
co, Nashacowam, and Wassamagoin, two sachems near the 
great hill to the west called Wachusett, came into the court, and 
according to their former tender to the governor, desired to be 
received under our protection and government upon the same 
terms that Pumham and Sacononoco were ; so we causing them 
to understand the articles, and all the ten commandments of 
God, and they freely assenting to all, they were solemnly re- 
ceived, and then presented the court with 26 fathom more of 
wampom, and the court gave each of them a coat of two yards 
of cloth, and their dinner; and to them and their men every of 
them a cup of sack at their departure, so they took leave and 
went away very joyful. 

At this court came letters from New Haven, and withal an 
answer from the Swedes and Dutch to the letters of the com- 
missioners of the union, sent in the 7th month last. The 
Dutch still maintained their right to the land at Hartford, and 
their complaint of injuries. The Swedes denied what they 
had been charged with, and sent copies of divers examinations 
upon oath taken in the cause, with a copy of all the proceeding 
between them and our friends of New Haven from the first; 
and in their letters used large expressions of their respect to 


the English, and particularly to our colony. And Mr. Eaton 
desired a copy of •our patent to show the Swedish governor 
(at his request) and a new commission from the commissioners 
of the union, allowing them to go on with their plantation and 
trade in Delaware river and bay (for the governor had told 
their agent that upon such a commission they should have Ub- 
erty, etc.). This coming at the sitting of the general court, the 
commissioners advised with the court about it, who granted 
both, but the commission with a salvo jure: we were then in- 
formed also of a Dutch ship lately arrived at Hudson's river 
sent to the free boors at Fort Orange,' which brought them 
4,000 weight of powder, and 700 pieces to trade with the 
natives, which the Dutch governor having notice of, did seize 
and confiscate to the use of the company. 

We had the news also that the Dutch had entertained Cap- 
tain Underbill, who with 120 men, Dutch and English, had 
killed 120 Indians upon Long Island, and 300 more upon the 
main, which was found to be a plot of the Dutch governor to 
engage the English in that quarrel with the Indians, which we 
had wholly declined, as doubting of the justice of the cause. 

At this court of assistants one James Britton , a man ill 
affected both to our church discipline and civil government, and 
one Mary Latham, a proper young woman about 18 years of 
age, whose father was a godly man and had brought her up 
well, were condemned to die for adultery, upon a law formerly 
made and published in print. It was thus occasioned and 
discovered. This woman, being rejected by a young man 
whom she had an affection unto, vowed she would marry the 
next that came to her, and accordingly, against her friends' 
minds, she matched with an ancient man who had neither 
honesty nor ability, and one whom she had no affection unto. 

• Fort Orange was later Albany. For a late and clear account of the rela- 
tions of the Dutch and English colony, see John Fiske, Dutch and English Colonies 
in America, I., chap. ix. ; for the fortunes of the Swedish colony on the Delaware, 
see same volume, p. 277. "Freeboors," vrije hoeren, means the free settlers, as 
distinguished from the feudal tenants of the adjoining colony of Rensselaerswyck. 


Whereupon, soon after she was married, divers young men 
soUcited her chastity, and drawing her into bad company, 
and giving her wine and other gifts, easily prevailed with her, 
and among others this Britton. But God smiting him with a 
deadly palsy and fearful horror of conscience withal, he could 
not keep secret, but discovered this, and other the like with 
other women, and was forced to acknowledge the justice of 
God in that having often called others fools, etc., for confessing 
against themselves, he was now forced to do the like. The 
woman dwelt now in Pljonouth patent, and one of the magis- 
trates there, hearing she was detected, etc., sent her to us. 
Upon her examination, she confessed he did attempt the fact, 
but did not commit it, and witness was produced that testified 
(which they both confessed) that in the evening of a day of 
humiliation through the coimtry for England, etc., a company 
met at Britton's and there continued drinking sack, etc., till 
late in the night, and then Britton and the woman were seen 
upon the ground together, a little from the house. It was re- 
ported also that she did frequently abuse her husband, setting 
a knife to his breast and threatening to kill him, calHng him 
old rogue and cuckold, and said she would make him wear 
horns as big as a bull. And yet some of the magistrates 
thought the evidence not sufficient against her, because there 
were not two direct witnesses; but the jury cast her, and then 
she confessed the fact, and accused twelve others, whereof two 
were married men. Five of these were apprehended and com- 
mitted, (the rest were gone,) but denying it, and there being no 
other witness against them than the testimony of a con- 
demned person, there could be no proceeding against them. 
The woman proved very penitent, and had deep apprehension 
of the foulness of her sin, and at length attained to hope of 
pardon by the blood of Christ, and was wilHng to die in satis- 
faction to justice. The man also was very much cast down for 
his sins, but was loth to die, and petitioned the general court 
for his life, but they would not grant it, though some of the 


magistrates spake much for it, and questioned the letter, 
whether adultery was death by God's law now/ This Britton 
had been a professor in England, but coming hither he opposed 
oiu" church government, etc., and grew dissolute, losing both 
power and profession of godliness. 

1. (March) 21.] They were both executed, they both died 
very penitently, especially the woman, who had some com- 
fortable hope of pardon of her sin, and gave good exhortation 
to all young maids to be obedient to their parents, and to take 
heed of evil company, etc. 

The Earl of Warwick and other lords, etc., being appointed 
by the parliament commissioners for regulating the West In- 
dies and all other Enghsh plantations in America, sent com- 
mission to Virginia to free them from all former taxations and 
all other charges but such as should be needful for their own 
occasions, and gave them hberty to choose their own governor; 
and sent command to all English ships there (which were 
then to the number of sixteen, most of them great ships) to 
assist them if need were. But the king sending a counter- 
mand to Sir Robert Berkley, the governor, he withstood 
the parliament's commissioners, and drew most of the other 
magistrates to take oath upon the sacrament to maintain the 
king's authority, etc., so that the whole country was like to 
rise in parties, some for the king, and others for the parUament.' 

A proposition was made this court for all the English within 
the united colonies to enter into a civil agreement for the 
maintenance of religion and our civil liberties, and for yielding 
some more of the freeman's privileges to such as were no 

* The death penalty was provided in the "Body of Liberties." 
^ Sir William Berkeley (not Robert) the ultra cavalier, who thus in Virginia 
upholds the King in opposition to the Houses, is the official who writes, " I thank 
God there are no free schools nor printing, and I hope we shall not have these 
hundred years." The Civil War was now at its height, just before the battle of 
Marston Moor, and naturally there were echoes of it in the colonies. For a 
description of Virginia conditions see L. G. Tyler, England in America (" Amer- 
ican Nation" series), chaps, v., vi. 


church members that should join in this government. But 
nothing was concluded, but referred to next court, and in the 
mean time, that letters should be written to the other colonies 
to advise with them about it. Nothing was effected for want 
of opportunity of meeting, etc. 

At the same court in the first month, upon the motion of the 
deputies, it was ordered that the court should be divided in 
their consultations, the magistrates by themselves, and the 
deputies by themselves, what the one agreed upon they should 
send to the other, and if both agreed, then to pass, etc. This 
order determined the great contention about the negative voice.* 

Divers of the merchants of Boston being desirous to discover 
the great lake, supposing it to lie in the north-west part of our 
patent, and finding that the great trade of beaver, which came 
to all the eastern and southern parts, came from thence, peti- 
tioned the court to be a company for that design, and to have 
the trade which they should discover, to themselves for twenty- 
one years. The court was very unwilling to grant any mo- 
nopoly, but perceiving that without it they would not proceed, 
granted their desire; whereupon, having also commission 
granted them under the public seal, (3) and letters from the 
governor to the Dutch and Swedish governors, they sent out a 
pinnace well manned and furnished with provisions and trading 
stuff, which was to sail up Delaware river so high as they could 
go, and then some of the company, under the conduct of Mr. 
Wilham Aspenwall, a good artist, and one who had been in 
those parts, to pass by small skiffs or canoes up the river so far 
as they could. 

Many of Watertown and other towns joined in the planta- 
tion at Nashaway, and having called a young man, an uni- 
versity scholar, one Mr. Norcross, to be their minister, seven 

*The momentous issue of "the sow business" is here noted. Another 
important business of the present court Winthrop fails to notice, — the gathering 
of the Massachusetts townships into the four counties of SuflFolk, Norfolk, Essex, 
and Middlesex. Records of Massachusetts, II. 38, 


of them, who were no members of any chm-ches, were desirous 
to gather into a church estate ; but the magistrates and elders 
advised them first to go and build them habitations, etc., (for 
there was yet no house there,) and then to take some that were 
members of other churches, with the consent of such churches, 
as formerly had been done, and so proceed orderly. But the 
persons interested in this plantation, being most of them poor 
men, and some of them corrupt in judgment, and others pro- 
fane, it went on very slowly, so as that in two years they had 
not three houses built there, and he whom they had called to 
be their minister left them for their delays. 

One Dalkin and his wife dwelling near Meadford coming 
from Cambridge, where they had spent their Sabbath, and 
being to pass over the river at a ford, the tide not being fallen 
enough, the husband adventured over, and finding it too deep, 
persuaded his wife to stay a while, but it raining very sore, 
she would needs adventure over, and was carried away with the 
stream past her depth. Her husband not daring to go help her, 
cried out, and thereupon his dog, being at his house near by, 
came forth, and seeing something in the water, swam to her, 
and she caught hold on the dog's tail, so he drew her to the 
shore and saved her life. 

At the general court (8.) (October) 4. there came a letter to 
the governor from Mr. AVheelwright, (who was now moved 
from Exeter to Wells, near Cape Porpoise, where he was pastor 
of a church,) the contents whereof were as followeth: — 

Right WoRsmPFUL. 

Upon the long and mature consideration of things, I perceive that 
the main difference between yourselves and some of the reverend elders 
and me, in point of justification and the evidencing thereof, is not of that 
nature and consequence as was then presented to me in the false glass of 
Satan's temptations and mine own distempered passions, which makes me 
unfeignedly sorry that I had such an hand in those sharp and vehement 
contentions raised thereabouts to the great disturbance of the churches 
of Christ. It is the grief of my soul that I used such vehement censorious 


speeches in the application of my sermon, or in any other writing, whereby 
I reflected any dishonor upon your worships, the reverend elders, or any of 
contrary judgment to myself. It repents me that I did so much adhere 
to persons of corrupt judgment, to the countenancing of them in any of 
their errors or evil practices, though I intended no such thing; and that 
in the synod I used such unsafe and obscure expressions falling from me 
as a man dazzled with the buffetings of Satan, and that I did appeal from 
misapprehension of things. I confess that herein I have done very sin- 
fully, and do humbly crave pardon of this honored state. If it shall 
appear to me, by scripture light, that in any carriage, word, writing, or 
action, I have walked contrary to rule, I shall be ready, by the grace of 
God, to give satisfaction: thus hoping that you will pardon my boldness, 
I humbly take leave of your worship, committing you to the good provi- 
dence of the Almighty; and ever remain, your worship's in all service 
to be commanded in the Lord. 

J. Wheelwright. 
Wells, (7) 10-43.' 

Upon this letter the court was very well inclined to release 
his banishment; and thereupon ordered that he might have a 
safe conduct to come to the court, etc. Hereof the governor 
certified him by letter, and received this answer from him. 

Right Worshipful. 

I have received the letter wherein you signify to me that you have 
imparted my letter to the honorable court, and that it finds good applause, 
for which I rejoice with much thankfulness. I am very thankful to your 
worship for the letter of safe conduct which I formerly received, as like- 
wise for the late act of court, granting me the same liberty in case I desire 
letters to that end. I should very willingly, upon letters received, express 
by word of mouth openly in court, that which I did by writing, might I, 
without offence, explain my true intent and meaning more fully to this 
effect : that notwithstanding my failings, for which I humbly crave pardon, 
yet I cannot with a good conscience condemn myself for such capital 
crimes, dangerous revelations and gross errors, as have been charged upon 
me, the concurrence of which (as I take it) make up the very substance of 
the cause of all my sufferings. I do not see, but in so mixt a cause I am 
bound to use, may it be permitted, my just defence so far as I apprehend 

»/. e., September 10, 1643. 


myself to be innocent, as to make my confession where I am convinced of 
any delinquency; otherwise I shall seemingly and in appearance fall under 
guilt of many heinous offences, for which my conscience doth acquit me. 
If I seem to make suit to the honorable court for relaxation to be granted, 
by an act of mercy, upon my sole confession, I must offend my conscience; 
if by an act of justice, upon mine apology and lawful defence, I fear lest 
I shall offend your worships. I leave all things to your wise and godly 
consideration, hoping that you will pardon my simplicity and plainness 
which I am forced unto by the power of an over-ruling conscience. I 
rest your worship's in the Lord. 

J. Wheelwright. 
Wells, (1) 1-43.^ 

To this the governor replied to this effect, viz., that though 
his liberty might be obtained without his personal appearance, 
yet that was doubtful, nor did he conceive that a wise and 
modest apology would prejudice the acceptance of his free and 
ingenuous confession, seeing the latter would justify the sen- 
tence of the court, which looked only at his action, and yet by 
the former, he might maintain the Hberty of his conscience in 
clearing his intention from those ill deserving crimes which the 
court apprehended by his action: and withal (because there 
might want opportunity of conveyance before the court) he 
sent him inclosed a safe conduct, etc. The next court released 
his banishment without his appearance.' 

3. {May) 20.] A ship coming from Virginia certified us of 
a great massacre lately committed by the natives upon the 
EngUsh there, to the number of 300 at least, and that an Indian 
whom they had since taken confessed, that they did it because 
they saw the English took up all their lands from them, and 
would drive them out of the country, and they took this season 
for that they understood that they were at war in England, and 

^I. e., March 1, 1643/4. 

^ The restoration of this able man to the colonies was a great benefit. In 
later life he went to England, where he is said to have been in high favor with 
Cromwell. Returning, he survived till 1680, being at his death the oldest minister 
in the country. 


began to go to war among themselves, for they had seen a fight 
in the river between a London ship which was for the parlia- 
ment and a Bristol ship which was for the king. He confessed 
further that all the Indians within 600 miles were confederate 
together to root all strangers out of the country. 

It was very observable that this massacre came upon them 
soon after they had driven out the godly ministers we had sent 
to them, and had made an order that all such as would not con- 
form to the discipline of the church of England should depart 
the country by a certain day,* which the massacre now pre- 
vented : and the governor (one Sir Robert Berkeley, a courtier, 
and very malignant towards the way of our churches here) and 
coimcil had appointed a fast to be kept through the country 
upon good Friday (as they call it) for the good success of the 
king, etc., and, the day before, this massacre began in the out- 
parts of the country round about, and continued two days, for 
they killed all, by sudden surprisal, living amongst them, and 
as familiar in their houses as those of the family. This mas- 
sacre was accompanied with a great mortality. Upon these 
troubles divers godly disposed persons came from thence to 
New England, and many of the rest were forced to give glory 
to God in acknowledging, that this evil was sent upon them 
from God for their reviling the gospel and those faithful minis- 
ters he had sent among them.^ 

A letter came to the governor, under the marks of Pesecus 
and Canonicus, the sachem of Narragansett, but written by 
Gorton's company, to this effect : That they were purposed to 
make war upon Onkus in revenge of the death of Onkus^ and 
others of their people whom he had slain, and that they mar- 
velled why we should be against it ; that they had put them- 

* The act may be seen in Hening, Statutes of Virginia, I. 277. 

^ Among these refugees from Virginia was probably Daniel Gookin, after- 
ward major-general, honorably distinguished in various ways, and especially for 
his humane spirit toward the Indians at a time when humanity could not be 
shown without risk. 

^ For Uncas must be read Miantonomo. 


selves under the government and protection of the king of 
England, and so were now become our fellow-subjects, and 
therefore if any difference should fall between us and them, it 
ought to be referred to him ; professing withal their willingness 
to continue all friendly correspondency with us. 

The general court being assembled, when Mr. Endecott was 
chosen governor^ and Mr. Winthrop deputy governor, they 
took this letter into consideration, together with another from 
Gorton's company to the same effect, and sent two mes- 
sengers to the Narragansetts with instructions to this purpose, 
viz. to know whether they did own that letter, etc., and by 
whose advice they had done as they wrote, and why they would 
countenance and take counsel from such evil men, and such as 
we had banished from us and to persuade them to sit still, and 
to have more regard to us than such as Gorton, etc. ^Vhen our 
messengers came to them, Canonicus would not admit them 
into his wigwam for two hours, but suffered them to stay in the 
rain. When he did admit them, he lay along upon his couch, 
and would not speak to them more than a few f roward speeches, 
but referred them to Pesacus, who, coming after some four 
hours, carried them into an ordinary wigwam, and there had 
conference with them most part of the night. Their answers 
were witty and full to the questions ; and their conclusion was, 
that they would presently go to war upon Onkus, but not in 
such manner as Miantunnomoh had done, by a great army, but 
by sending out parties of 20 or more or less, to catch his men, 
and keep them from getting their living, etc. 

At this court Passaconaway, the Merrimack sachem, came 
in and submitted to our government, as Pumham, etc. had 
done before. 

4. (June) 5.] Two of our ministers' sons, being students in 
the college, robbed two dwelling houses in the night of some 
15 pounds. Being found out, they were ordered by the 

* Endicott now becomes governor for the first time, though before the formal 
organization he was chief agent in the inchoate colony. 


governors of the college to be there whipped, which was per- 
formed by the president himself — yet they were about 20 years 
of age ; and after they were brought into the court and ordered 
to two fold satisfaction, or to serve so long for it. We had yet 
no particular punishment for burglary/ 

At this court there arose some troubles by this occasion. 
Those of Essex had procured at the court before, that the 
deputies of the several shires should meet before this court to 
prepare business, etc., which accordingly they did, and pro- 
pounded divers things which they agitated and concluded 
among themselves, without communicating them to the other 
shires, who conceived they had been only such things as had 
concerned the commonwealth, but when they came now to be 
put to this court, it appeared that their chief intent was to 
advantage their own shire. As, 1. By drawing the government 
thither. 2. By drawing the courts thither. 3. By drawing a 
good part of the country stock thither. 4. By procuring four 
of those parts to be joined in commission with the magistrates. 
And for this end they had made so strong a party among the 
deputies of the smaller towns (being most of them mean men, 
and such as had small understanding in affairs of state) as they 
easily carried all these among the deputies. But when the 
two bills came to the magistrates, they discerning the plot, and 
finding them hurtful to the commonwealth, refused to pass 
them, and a committee of both being appointed to consider 
the reasons of both sides, those of the magistrates prevailed. 

But the great difference was about a commission, which the 
deputies sent up, whereby power was given to seven of the 
magistrates and three of the deputies and Mr. Ward (some 
time pastor of Ipswich, and still a preacher) to order all affairs 
of the commonwealth in the vacancy of the general court, which 

* The young men were the sons of Nathaniel Ward and Thomas Welde. 
The latter was already in England, whither the former also returned in 1646. 
Ward left the college six hundred acres of land in Andover, which he had received 
from the governor, thus showing he bore no grudge for the treatment of his son. 


the magistrates returned with this answer: That they con- 
ceived such commission did tend to the overthrow of the 
foundation of our government, and of the freemen's hberty, 
and therefore desired the deputies to consider of a way how this 
danger might be avoided, and the hberty of the freemen pre- 
served inviolable, otherwise they could not comfortably pro- 
ceed in other affairs. 

Upon this return all the deputies came to confer with the 
magistrates. The exceptions the magistrates took were these. 
1. That this court should create general officers which the 
freemen had reserved to the court of elections. 2. That they 
should put out four of the magistrates from that power and 
trust which the freemen had committed to them. 3. At the 
commission itself, seeing they ought not to accept that power 
by commission which did belong to them by the patent and by 
their election. They had little to answer to this, yet they 
alleged a precedent or two where this court had ordered some 
of the magistrates and some others to be a council of war, and 
that we had varied from our patent in some other things, 
and therefore were not bound to it in this. 

But they chiefly stood upon this, that the governor and 
assistants had no power out of court but what was given them 
by the general court. To this the magistrates replied: 1. 
That such examples as w^re against rules or common right were 
errors and no precedents. 2. That council was for one par- 
ticular case only, and not of general extent. 3. In those 
things wherein we had varied from our patent we did not touch 
the foundation of our government. To the last it was said, 
that the governor and assistants had power of government 
before we had any written laws or had kept any courts; and 
to make a man a governor over a people, gives him, by neces- 
sary consequence, power to govern that people, otherwise there 
were no power in any commonwealth to order, dispose, or 
punish in any case where it might fall out, that there were 
no positive law declared in. 


It was consented to that this court had authority to order 
and direct the power of these magistrates for time, place, 
persons, etc., for the common good, but not wholly to deprive 
them of it, their office continuing : so as these being chosen by 
the people, by virtue of the patent to govern the people, a 
chief part whereof consists in counsel, they are the standing 
council of the commonwealth, and therefore in the vacancy of 
this court, may act in all the affairs thereof without any com- 

Upon this they withdrew, and after a few hours came again, 
and then they tendered a commission for war only, and none 
of the magistrates to be left out. But the magistrates refused 
to accept of any commission, but they would consent the same 
should pass by order so as the true power of the magistrates 
might be declared in it : or to a commission of association, to 
add three or four others to the magistrates in that council : or 
to continue the court a week longer, and send for the elders to 
take their advice in it; but none of these would be accepted. 
But they then moved, that we would consent that nothing 
might be done till the court met again, which was before 
agreed to be adjourned to the 28th of (8) {October). To this 
was answered, that, if occasion required, they must act accord- 
ing to the power and trust committed to them; to which their 
speaker replied — You will not be obeyed.' 

4. (June) 23.] Two days after the court was broken up, 
Pumham sent two men to Boston to tell us that the Narra- 
gansetts had taken and killed six of Onkus' men and five 
women, and had sent him two hands and a foot to engage him 
in the war, but he refused to receive them and sent to us for 
counsel, etc. This occasioned such of the magistrates and 
deputies as were at hand (advising also with some of the near 
elders) to meet to consult about calling the court, and agreed, 
both in regard of this news from the Indians, and especially for 
speedy reconciling the magistrates and deputies, to write to 

' The Democracy was pressing with Anglo-Saxon sturdiness toward power. 


the governor that the court might be called the 28th following, 
which the governor assented unto. 

The court being assembled, they took order for ten men to 
be sent to Pumham according to his desire, to help him make 
a fort of palisadoes, etc., but the men, being volunteers, 
asked 10s. per week for each man, and such spoil as they should 
get, if they were put to fight, and arms fixed and powder and 
shot. Whereupon the court, fearing it would be an ill prece- 
dent, staid, and sent word to Pumham that the men were 
ready, but he must pay them, etc. 

The commission also for the Serjeant major general was 
agreed and sealed, and in it he was referred to receive his in- 
structions, etc., from the council of the commonwealth, but who 
were this council was not agreed. "\Micreupon the magistrates 
(all save two) signed a declaration in maintenance of their au- 
thority, and to clear the aspersions cast upon them, as if they 
intended to bring in an arbitrary government, etc. This they 
sent first to the deputies, with intimation that they intended to 
publish it, whereupon the deputies sent to desire that it might 
not be published, and desired a committee might meet to state 
the difference between us, which was done, and the difference 
was brought under this question: whether the magistrates 
are by patent and election of the people the standing council 
of the commonwealth in the vacancy of the general court, and 
have power accordingly to act in all cases subject to govern- 
ment, according to the said patent and the laws of this juris- 
diction ; and when any necessary occasions call for action from 
authority, in cases where there is no particular express law 
provided, there to be guided by the word of God, till the general 
court give particular rules in such cases? This difference 
being thus stated, they drew up this following order and sent it 
to us, viz. 

Whereas there is a difference between the governor, assist- 
ants, and deputies in this court, concerning the power of the 
magistrates in the vacancy of the general court, — we there- 


fore (salvo jure) for the peace and safety of this colony do con- 
sent, that the governor and assistants shall take order for the 
welfare of this commonwealth in all sudden cases that may 
happen within our jurisdiction, until the next session of this 
court, when we desire this question may be determined. 

This we accepted (with the salvo jure) but we had refused 
to accept of another they sent us before in these words, — we 
do authorize those three which are of the standing council to 
proceed, etc. 

Upon this agreement the magistrates consented, that the 
declaration should remain with the secretary, and not be pub- 
ished without the consent of the major part of the magistrates, 
which we intended not to do, except we were necessitated 
thereto by the deputies' misreport of our proceedings. And 
indeed some of the magistrates did decline the pubHshing 
thereof, upon this apprehension, that it would cause a pubUc 
breach throughout the country: and if it should come to that, 
the people would fall into factions, and the non-members 
would certainly take part with the magistrates, (we should 
not be able to avoid it,) and this would make us and our cause, 
though never so just, obnoxious to the common sort of free- 
men, the issue whereof must needs have been very doubtful.* 

5. (July) 2.] Mr. George Phillips was buried. He was the 
first pastor of the church of Watertown, a godly man, specially 
gifted, and very peaceful in his place, much lamented of his 
own people and others. 

Another great error the deputies committed, which also 
arose out of the same false bottom, viz., the choosing one of the 
younger magistrates, (though a very able man,) Mr. Bradstreet,^ 

* The theocracy, in which a privileged body exercised a power that was op- 
pressive, the people, except the church members, being without franchise, was 
not a polity agreeable to Englishmen. In 1665 came what Brooks Adams calls 
the "Emancipation of Massachusetts," with a form of government much freer 
and better, though introduced under the auspices of the restored Stuarts. 

^ Simon Bradstreet, already useful and distinguished, and destined to become 
more so, was born in 1603, and received part of his education at Emmanuel 


and one of the deputies, Mr. Hathome, (the principal man in 
all these agitations,) a young man also, to be commissioners for 
the united colonies; both eastern men, quite out of the way 
of opportunity of correspondency with the other confederates ; 
whereas all the rest had chosen either their governors or other 
chief magistrates; and ourselves had formerly chosen the 
governor and Mr. Dudley. Thus usual it is for one error in 
state to beget others. 

This also was a failing in them, that, when the governor of 
Plymouth (our brethren and confederates) wrote earnestly to 
us, in their great want of powder, to supply them out of our 
store, and the magistrates had granted them two barrels, the 
deputies stopped it, and would not consent they might have 
Hberty to buy for their money. 

Those also of Aquiday Island, being in great fear of the In- 
dians, wrote to us for some powder and other ammunition, 
but the court was then adjourned; and because the depu- 
ties had denied our confederates, the magistrates thought 
not fit to supply them: but certainly it was an error (in 
state policy at least) not to support them, for though they 
were desperately erroneous and in such distraction among 
themselves as portended their ruin, yet if the Indians should 
prevail against them, it would be a great advantage to the 
Indians, and danger to the whole country by the arms, etc., 
that would there be had, and by the loss of so many per- 
sons and so much cattle and other substance belonging to 
above 120 families. Or, if they should be forced to seek pro- 
tection from the Dutch, who would be ready to accept them, 
it would be a great inconvenience to all the EngUsh to have 

College, Cambridge, before his immigration. He performed a noble service 
ten years later in opposing a war by New England against the New Netherlands, 
the English Commonwealth at the time being engaged in their unfortunate struggle 
with Holland. He was elected, as one of the best men of the colony, to accompany 
John Norton to England, to establish good relations after the Restoration. He 
died, full of years and honors, in 1697. At this time Bradstreet and Hathome 
lived respectively at Ipswich and Salem. 


so considerable a place in the power of strangers so potent as 
they are. 

Another error also was this, that, when by the articles of con- 
federation we were bound, if any of our confederates upon any 
pressing occasion should send to us for aid, we should forthwith 
send them such a number of men as is agreed upon in the 
articles, yet the deputies would not consent, that upon any 
such occasion the magistrates should raise any man, without 
calling a general court, which would put the country to great 
charge, and might occasion the loss of the opportunity; and 
when they should be assembled, there would be no use of coun- 
cil, the thing being already determined by the articles of con- 

5. (July) 15.] Upon the earnest importunity of Pumham 
who feared the Narragansetts because of their threatenings, 
that it might really appear that we did own them and would 
protect them, we sent 10 men and an officer, a discreet man, 
to command them, and gave them commission to stay there 
one, two, or three days, as etc., with charge not to enter into 
the Hmits of the Narragansett, nor to provoke them, etc. , and 
if they were forced, to defend themselves, yet they should not 
pursue the enemy, if he retired, etc. 

Two new ships, one of 250 [tons], built at Cambridge, the 
other of 200, built at Boston, set sail towards the Canaries 
laden with pipe staves, fish, etc. 

The court, breaking up in haste, (it being on the evening of 
the fast appointed,) gave order to the magistrates in the bay to 
return answer to the Dutch governor's letter of (12) (February) 
11. which accordingly was done, to this effect, viz., Gratulation 
of his respect and correspondency with us, manifestation of 
our good will to him, and desire of continuance of all friendly 
intercourse, etc., — aclmowledging that he had largely and 
prudently discoursed of the matters in difference: but we are 
also to attend the allegations on the other part. But seeing 
proofs were not yet had on either side, he could expect no 


further answer than before: but if he would please to send 
commissioners to Hartford to treat with the commissioners 
for the colonies, it would be veiy acceptable, and a hopeful 
means to prepare for a good issue. 

Anabaptistry increased and spread in the country, which oc- 
casioned the magistrates, at the last court, to draw an order for 
banishing such as continued obstinate after due conviction. 
This was sent to the elders, who approved of it with some miti- 
gations, and being voted, and sent to the deputies, it was after 

A poor man of Hingham, one Painter, who had hved at 
New Haven and at Rowley and Charlestown, and been scan- 
dalous and burdensome by his idle and troublesome behavior 
to them all, was now on the sudden turned anabaptist, and 
having a child bom, he would not suffer his wife to bring it to 
the ordinance of baptism, for she was a member of the church, 
though himself were not. Being presented for this, and en- 
joined to suffer the child to be baptized, he still refusing, and 
disturbing the church, he was again brought to the court 
not only for his former contempt, but also for saying that 
our baptism was antichristian ; and in the open court he 
affirmed the same. Wliereupon after much patience and clear 
conviction of his error, etc., because he was very poor, so as no 
other but corporal punishment could be fastened upon him, he 
was ordered to be whipped, not for his opinion, but for re- 
proaching the Lord's ordinance, and for his bold and evil beha- 
vior both at home and in the com't. He endured his punish- 
ment with much obstinacy, and when he was loosed, he said 
boastingly, that God had marvellously assisted him. ^Vhere- 
upon two or three honest men, his neighbors, affirmed before 
all the company, that he was of very loose behavior at home, 

' Though Winthrop now connived at such intolerance, later he is said to have 
grown wiser. When pressed on his death-bed by Dudley to sign an order ban- 
ishing a heterodox offender, he is said to have replied: " I have done too much of 
that work already." Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts Bay, I. 142. 


and given much to lying and idleness, etc. Nor had he any- 
great occasion to gather God's assistance from his stillness 
under the punishment, which 'was but moderate, for divers 
notorious malefactors had showed the like, and one the same 

5. (July) 15.] Here arrived Monsieur La Tour, who under- 
stood by letters from his lady, that Monsieur D'Aulnay had 
prevailed against him in France, and was coming with great 
strength to subdue him: whereupon he came to desire some 
aid, if need should be. 

Natascott being formerly made a town, and having now 
twenty houses and a minister, was by the last general court 
named Hull. 

At this court Captain Jenyson, captain of the miUtary 
company in Watertown, an able man who had been there from 
the first settHng of that town, having a year before, (being then 
a deputy,) in private conference, questioned the lawfulness of 
the parliament's proceeding in England, was sent for by the 
deputies, and examined about it, and after before the magis- 
trates. He ingenuously confessed his scruple, but took offence, 
that being a church member, and in pubHc office, he should be 
openly produced merely for matter of judgment, not having 
been first dealt with in private, either in a church way or by 
some of the magistrates, which seemed to some of the court to 
have been a failing. The court was unwilling to turn him out 
of place, having been a very useful man, etc., yet not seeing 
how he might be trusted, being of that judgment, yet professing 
that he was assured that those of the parliament side were the 
more godly and honest part of the kingdom, and that though, 
if he were in England, he should be doubtful whether he might 
take their part against their prince, yet, if the king or any 
party from him should attempt any thing against this common- 
wealth, he should make no scruple to spend estate and Ufe and 
all in our defence against them, he was dismissed to further con- 
sideration ; and the court being broken up, he came soon after 


to some of the magistrates and told them, that this questioning 
in the court had occasioned him to search further into the 
point, and he was now satisfied that the parhament's cause was 
good, and if he were in England he would assist in defence of it.^ 

The contentions in Hampton were gro^vn to a great height, 
the whole town was divided into two factions, one with Mr. 
Batchellor their late pastor, and the other with Mr. Dalton their 
teacher, both men very passionate, and wanting discretion and 
moderation. Their differences were not in matters of opinion, 
but of practice. Mr. Dalton's party being the most of the 
church, and so freemen, had great advantage of the other, 
though a considerable party, and some of them of the church 
also, whereby they carried all affairs both in church and town 
according to their own minds, and not with that respect to 
their brethren and neighbors which had been fit. Divers meet- 
ings had been both of magistrates and elders, and parties had 
been reconciled, but brake out presently again, each side being 
apt to take fire upon any provocation. WTiereupon Mr. Batch- 
ellor was advised to remove, and was called to Exeter, whither 
he intended to go, but they being divided, and at great differ- 
ence also, when one party had appointed a day of humiliation 
to gather a new church, and call Mr. Batchellor, the court sent 
order to stop it, for they considered they were not in a fit 
condition for such a work, and beside, Mr. Batchellor had been 
in three places before, and through his means, as was supposed, 
the churches fell to such divisions, as no peace could be till he 
was removed. And at this court there came petition against 
petition both from Hampton and Exeter ; whereupon the court 
ordered two or three magistrates to be sent to Hampton with 
full power to hear and determine all differences there. 

At Wenham also there was a public assembly for gather- 
ing a church, but the magistrates and elders present, finding 
upon trial, that the persons appointed were not fit for 

* The better prospects of the ParHament, now helped by Scotland, made 
concealment of sympathy with it no longer necessary. 


foundation stones, they advised them not to proceed, which 
they obeyed. 

4. and 5 {June and July).] About this time, Mr. Vines of 
Saco, Mr. Short of Pemaquid, and Mr. Wannerton of Pascata- 
quack, went to La Tour to call for some debts, etc. In their 
way they put in at Penobscott, and were there detained pris- 
oners a few days; but after, for Mr. Short's sake, to whom 
D'Aulnay was in debt, they were dismissed: and going to La 
Tour, Mr. Wannerton and some other Englishmen of the eastern 
parts were entertained by him, and sent with some twenty of 
his men to try if they could not take Penobscott, for he under- 
stood the fort was weakly manned and in want of victual. 
They went first to a farm house of D'Aulnay's, about six miles 
off, and there Wannerton and two more went and knocked at 
the door, with their swords and pistols ready. One opens the 
door, and another presently shoots Wannerton dead, and a 
third shoots his second in the shoulder, but he withal dis- 
charged his pistol upon him that shot him, and killed him. 
Then other of Wannerton 's company came in and took the 
house and the two men (for there were no more) prisoners, and 
they burnt the house and killed the cattle they found there, and 
so embarked themselves and came to Boston to La Tour. 
This Thomas Wannerton was a stout man, and had been a 
soldier many years : he had lived very wickedly in whoredom, 
drunkenness and quarrelling, so as he had kept the Pascata- 
quack men under awe of him divers years, till they came under 
this government, and since that he was much restrained, and 
the people freed from his terror. He had of late come under 
some terrors, and motions of the spirit, by means of the preach- 
ing of the word, but he had shaken them off, and returned to 
his former dissolute course, and so continued till God cut him 
off by this sudden execution. But this hostile action being 
led on by an Englishman of our jurisdiction, it was like to 
provoke D'Aulnay the more against us. 

3. (May) 3.] There was mention made before of a pinnace 


sent by the company of discoverers to Delaware river, with 
letters from the governor to the Dutch and Swedish governors 
for liberty to pass. The Dutch promised to let them pass, but 
for maintaining their own interest he must protest against them. 
When they came to the Swedes, the fort shot at them, ere they 
came up: whereupon they cast forth anchor, and the next 
morning, being the Lord's day, the lieutenant came aboard 
them, and forced them to fall down lower ; when Mr. Aspenwall 
came to the governor and complained of the lieutenant's ill 
dealing, both in shooting at them before he had hailed them, 
and in forcing them to weigh anchor on the Lord's day. The 
governor acknowledged he did ill in both, and promised all 
favor, but the Dutch agent, being come down to the Swedes' 
fort, showed express order from the Dutch governor not to let 
him pass, whereupon they returned. But before they came out 
of the river, the Swedish heutenant made them pay 40 shillings 
for that shot which he had unduly made. The pinnace arrived 
at Boston (5) 20. — 44.^ See page. 

A Dutch ship came from the West Indies and brought to 
Monhatoes 200 soldiers from Curassou,- which was taken by 
the Portugal and the Indians and 300 slain of the Dutch part, 
as was reported. 

23.] La Tour ha\ang been with the governor at Salem, 
and made known his condition to him, he was moved with 
compassion towards him, and appointed a meeting of the 
magistrates and elders at Boston this day. In opening La 
Tour's case, it appeared that the place, where his fort was, had 
been purchased by his father of Sir William Alexander, and he 
had a free grant of it, and of all that part of New Scotland, 
under the great seal of Scotland, and another grant of a Scotch 
Baronetcy under the same seal ; and that himself and his father 
had continued in possession, etc., about thirty years, ^ and that 
Port Royal was theirs also, until D'Aulnay had dispossessed 

'I.e., July 20, 1644. ^ jyianhattan; Cura9ao. 

^Alexander's own grant was only of date 1621. 


him of it by force within these five years. Most of the magis- 
trates and some of the elders were clear in the case that he was 
to be reUeved, both in point of charity, as a distressed neighbor, 
and also in point of prudence, as thereby to root out, or at least 
weaken, an enemy or a dangerous neighbor. But because 
many of the elders were absent, and three or four of the magis- 
trates dissented, it was agreed the rest of the elders should 
be called in, and that another meeting should be at Salem the 
next week. 

When they were met, the governor propounded the case 
to them, and it was brought to the two former questions. 1. 
Whether it were lawful for true Christians to aid an antichris- 
tian. 2. Wliether it were safe for us in point of prudence. 
After much disputation, some of the magistrates and elders 
remaining unsatisfied, and the rest not willing to conclude any 
thing in this case without a full consent, a third way was pro- 
pounded, which all assented to, which was this, that a letter 
should be sent to D'Aulnay to this effect, viz.: That by 
occasion of some commissions of his (which had come to our 
hands) to his captains to take our people, etc., and not knowing 
any just occasion we had given him, to know the reason thereof, 
and withal to demand satisfaction for the wrongs he had done 
us and our confederates in taking Penobscott, and our men and 
goods at Isle Sable, and threatening to make prize of our vessels 
if they came to Penobscott, etc., declaring withal that although 
our men, which went last year to aid La Tour, did it without 
any commission from us, or any counsel or act of permission of 
our state, yet if he made it appear to us that they had done 
him any wrong, (which yet we knew not of,) we should be 
ready to do him justice; and requiring his express answer by 
the bearer, and expecting that he should call in all such com- 
missions, etc. We subscribed the letter with the hands of 
eight of the magistrates, and directed it to Monsieur D'Aulnay, 
Knight, General for the King of France in L'Acady at Port 
Royal. We sent it in English, because he had written to our 


governor in French, but understanding that he had been for- 
merly scrupulous to answer letters in English, we therefore 
gave the messenger a copy of it in French. We sent also in 
the letter a copy of an order pubHshed by the governor and 
council, whereby we forbade all our people to use any act of 
hostility, otherwise than in their own defence, towards French 
or Dutch, etc., till the next general court, etc. In our letter 
we also mentioned a course of trade our merchants had entered 
into with La Tour, and our resolution to maintain them in it. 

Before this letter was sent, we had intelligence from the 
West Indies, that D'Aulnay was met at sea by some Biscayers 
and his ship sunk, yet being not certain hereof, when La Tour 
went home, we sent the letter by a vessel of our own which ac- 
companied him, to be delivered if occasion were. This news 
proved false, and no such thing was; and indeed it was so 
usual to have false news brought from all parts, that we were 
very doubtful of the most probable reports. 

At the same meeting there were three other questions on 
foot. The first was upon this occasion. 

Captain Stagg arriving at Boston in a ship of London, of 
24 pieces of ordnance, and finding here a ship of Bristol 
of 100 tons, laden with fish for Bilboa, he made no speech of 
any commission he had, but having put on shore a good part 
of his lading, which was wine from Teneriffe, he suddenly 
weighed anchor, and with the sea turn sailed from before 
Boston to Charlestown, and placed his ship between Charles- 
town and the Bristol ship, and moored himself abreast her. 
Then he called the master of the Bristol ship, and showed him 
his commission, and told him, if he would yield, himself and all 
his should have what belonged to them and their wages to that 
day, and turning up the half hour glass, set him in his own 
ship again, requiring to have his answer by that time of half 
an hour. The master coming aboard acquainted his men 
with it, and demanded their resolution. Two or three would 
have fought; and rather have blown up their ship than have 


yielded; but the greater part prevailed, so she was quietly 
taken, and all the men save three sent to Boston, and there 
order was taken by the captain for their diet/ 

In this half hour's time much people gathered together upon 
Windmill hill to see the issue, and some who had interest in 
the ship, especially one Bristol merchant, (a very bold malig- 
nant person,) began to gather company and raise a tumult. 
But some of the people present laid hold of them and brought 
them to the deputy governor, who committed the merchant and 
some others who were strangers to a chamber in an ordinary, 
with a guard upon them, and others who were town dwellers 
he committed to prison, and sent the constable to require the 
people to depart to their houses; and then hearing that the 
ship was taken, he wrote to the captain to know by what 
authority he had done it in our harbor, who forthwith repaired 
to him with his commission, which was to this effect: 

Robertus Comes Warwici, etc., magnus Admirallus Angliae, 
etc., omnibus cujuscunque status honoris, etc., salutem. 
Sciatis quod in registro curise Admiralitatis, etc., — and so 
recites the ordinance of parliament, in English, to this effect: 
That it should be lawful for all men, etc., to set forth ships and 
to take all vessels in or outward bound to or from Bristol, 
Barnstable, Dartmouth, etc., in hostility against the king and 
parliament, and to visit all ships in any port or creek, etc., by 
force, if they should refuse, etc., and they were to have the 
whole prize to themselves, paying the tenth to the admiral, 
provided, before they went forth, they should give security 
to the admiral to observe their commission, and that they 
should make a true invoice of all goods, and not break bulk, 
but bring the ship to the admiral and two or three of the officers, 
and that they should not rob or spoil any of the parhament's 

* The Civil War, as appears here, came near to actual battle on this side of 
the Atlantic. London was strong for the Houses; the west of England, of which 
Bristol was the metropolis, long held for the King, and ships were Roundhead 
or Cavalier according to the ports whence they sailed. 


friends, and so concludes thus: Stagg Capitaneus obligavit 
se, etc., in bis mille libris, etc. In cujus rei testimonium sigil- 
lum Admiralitatis presentibus apponi feci. 

Dat. March, 1644. 

Upon sight of this commission, the deputy appointed Cap- 
tain Stagg to bring or send it to the meeting at Salem; and 
the tumult being pacified, he took bond, with sureties, of the 
principal stirrers, to appear at the meeting and to keep the 
peace in the mean time. The captain brought his commission 
to Salem, and there it was read and considered. Some of the 
elders, the last Lord's day, had in their sermons reproved 
this proceeding, and exhorted the magistrates, etc., to main- 
tain the people's liberties, which were, they said, violated by 
this act, and that a commission could not supersede a patent. 
And at this meeting some of the magistrates and some of the 
elders were of the same opinion, and that the captain should 
be forced to restore the ship. But the greater part of both were 
of a different judgment. — Their reasons were these. 

1. Because this could be no precedent to bar us from oppos- 
ing any commission or other foreign power that might indeed 
tend to our hurt and violate our liberty; for the parliament 
had taught us, that salus popuh is suprema lex. 

2. The king of England was enraged against us, and all that 
party, and all the popish states in Europe: and if we should 
now, by opposing the parliament, cause them to forsake us, we 
could have no protection or countenance from any, but should 
lie open as a prey to all men. 

3. We might not deny the parliament's power in this case, 
unless we should deny the foundation of our government by 
our patent ; for the parliament's authority will take place in all 
pecuhar and privileged places, where the king's writs or com- 
missions will not be of force, as in the Dutchy of Lancaster, 
the Cinque ports, and in London itself, the parliament may 
fetch out any man, even the Lord Mayor himself, and the 
reason is, because what the parliament doth is done by them- 


selves, for they have their burgesses, etc., there; nor need they 
fear that the parhament will do any man wrong : and we have 
consented to hold our land of the manor of E. Greenwich, and 
so such as are burgesses or knights for that manor, are our 
burgesses also. This only might help us, that the king giving 
us land which was none of his, but we were forced to purchase 
it of the natives, or subdue it as vacuum domicilium, we are 
not bound to hold that of him which was not his. But if we 
stand upon this plea, we must then renounce our patent and 
England's protection, which were a great weakness in us, seeing 
their care hath been to strengthen our liberties and not over- 
throw them: and if the parliament should hereafter be of a 
mahgnant spirit, etc., then if we have strength sufficient, we 
may make use of salus populi to withstand any authority from 
thence to our hurt. 

4. Again, if we who have so openly declared our affection to 
the cause of the parhament by our prayers, fastings, etc., should 
now oppose their authority, or do any thing that might make 
such an appearance, it would be laid hold on by those in Vir- 
ginia and the West Indies to confirm them in their rebellious 
course; and it would grieve all our godly friends in England, 
or any other of the parliament's friends. 

5. Lastly, if any of our people have any goods in the ship, 
it is not to be questioned, but upon testimony the parhament 
will take order for their satisfaction. 

It was objected by some, that our's is perfecta respublica 
and so not subject to appeals, and consequently to no other 
power but among ourselves. It was answered, that though 
our patent frees us from appeals in cases of judicature, yet not 
in point of state ; for the king of England cannot erigere per- 
fectam rempublicam in such a sense: for nemo potest plus juris 
in alios transferre quam in se habet; he hath not an absolute 
power without the parliament.^ 

Upon these and other considerations, it was not thought fit 

* The spirit of independence is notable here. 


to oppose the parliament's commission, but to suffer the cap- 
tain to enjoy his prize. But because some of our merchants 
had put goods aboard her, wherein they claimed property, they 
desired to try their right by action, to which the captain con- 
sented to appear. So a court was called of purpose, the issue 
whereof follows after/ 

The third matter which fell into consideration, at the said 
meeting at Salem, was about one Franklin, who at the last 
court of assistants was found guilty of murder, but, some of 
the magistrates doubting of the justice of the case, he was re- 
prieved till the next court of assistants. The case was this. 
He had taken to apprentice one Nathaniel Sewell, one of 
those children sent over the last year for the country ; the boy 
had the scurvy, and was withal very noisome, and otherwise 
ill disposed. His master used him with continual rigor and 
unmerciful correction, and exposed him many times to much 
cold and wet in the winter season, and used divers acts of 
rigor towards him, as hanging him in the chimney, etc., and 
the boy being very poor and weak, he tied him upon an horse 
and so brought him (sometimes sitting and sometimes hanging 
down) to Boston, being five miles off, to the magistrates, and 
by the way the boy calling much for water, would give him 
none, though he came close by it, so as the boy was near dead 
when he came to Boston, and died within a few hours after. 
Those who doubted whether this were murder or not, did stick 
upon two reasons chiefly. 1. That it did not appear that the 
master's intention was to hurt him, but to reform him. 2. In 
that which was most likely to be the occasion or cause of his 
death, he was busied about an action which in itself was law- 
ful, viz., the bringing of him before the magistrates ; and mur- 
der cannot be committed but where the action and intention 
both are evil. To this it was answered, that this continual act 
of cruelty did bring him to death by degrees, and the last act 
was the consummation of it; and that this act, in regard to 

^ See post, p. 190. 


the subject, who, to the apprehension of all that saw him, was 
more fit to be kept in his bed than to be haled to correction, 
was apparently unlawful. As in case a man had a servant 
sick in bed of the small pox, newly come forth, and that his 
master knowing and seeing these upon his body should, against 
the physician's advice, hale him forth of his bed into the open 
air in frosty weather, upon pretence that he might ease nature, 
etc., this act, in regard of the state of the subject, were utterly 
unlawful, and if the servant should die under his hand, etc., it 
were murder in him. As for the intention, though prima inten- 
tio might be to reform liim, yet sure proxima intentio was evil 
because it arose from distemper of passion ; and if a man in a 
sudden passion kill his dear friend or child, it is murder, though 
his prima intentio were to instruct or admonish him: and in 
some cases where there appears no intention to hurt, as where 
a man knowing his ox to have used to push, shall not keep him 
in, so as he kills a man, he was to die for it, though to keep an 
ox were a lawful act, and he did not intend hurt, but because 
he did not what he reasonably ought to prevent, etc., therefore 
he was a murderer. And that in Exodus if a master strike 
his servant with a rod, which is a lawful action, and he die 
under his hand, (as this servant did,) he was to die for it: — 
And that in Deut. if a man strike with a weapon or with 

his hand, or any thing wherewith he may die, and he die, he is 
a murderer, — shows plainly, that let the means be what it 
may, if it be voluntarily apphed to an evil intent, it is murder; 
according to that judgment given against her that gave a 

potion to one to procure his love, and it killed him, it was 
adjudged murder. 

All the magistrates seeming to be satisfied upon this confer- 
ence, warrant was signed by the governor for his execution a 
week after, which was not approved by some, in regard of his 
reprieval to the next court of assistants. But it was without 
any good reason, for a condemned man is in the power of the 
magistrate to be executed when he please, and the reprieval 


was no stipulation or covenant with him, but a determination 
among the magistrates for the satisfaction of some who were 
doubtful, which satisfaction being attained, currat lex etc. Pro. 
22. He shall go to the pit, let no man hinder him. 

This man had been admitted into the church of Roxbury 
about a month before, and upon this he was cast out ; but the 
church, in compassion to his soul, after his condemnation, pro- 
cured hcense for him to come to Roxbury, intending to receive 
him in again before he died, if they might find him truly peni- 
tent. But though presently after his condemnation he judged 
himself, and justified God and the court, yet then he quarrelled 
with the witnesses, and justified himself, and so continued even 
to his execution, professing assurance of salvation, and that 
God would never lay the boy his death to his charge, but the 
guilt of his blood would lie upon the country. Only a little 
before he was turned off the ladder, he seemed to apprehend 
some hardness of heart, that he could not see himself guilty of 
that which others did. 

A fourth matter then in consideration was upon a speech, 
which the governor made to this effect, viz. 1. That he could 
not but bewail the great differences and jarrings which were 
upon all occasions, among the magistrates, and between them 
and the deputies; that the ground of this was jealousies and 
misreports; and thereupon some elders siding, etc., but not 
deahng with any of them in a way of God ; but hearing them 
reproached and passing it in silence: also their authority 
questioned, as if they had none out of court but what must be 
granted them by commission from the general court> etc., — and 
the way to redress hereof was, that the place and power of 
magistrates and deputies might be known; and so the elders 
were desired (which they willingly assented to) to be mediators 
of a thorough reconciUation, and to go about it presently, and 
to meet at Boston two or three days before the next court to 
perfect the same. But indeed the magistrates did all agree 
very well together, except two only, viz., Mr. Bellingham 


and Mr. Saltonstall, who took part with the deputies against 
the other ten magistrates about their power, and in other cases 
where any difference was. And some of the elders had done 
no good offices in this matter, through their misapprehensions 
both of the intentions of the magistrates, and also of the mat- 
ters themselves, being affairs of state, which did not belong to 
their calling.* 

The merchants which had to do with the goods in the ship 
which was seized by Captain Stagg, being desirous to do their 
utmost to save their principals in England from damage, know- 
ing them to be honest men and faithful to the parliament, 
intended to have a trial at law about it, and procured an at- 
tachment against the captain; but they were dissuaded from 
that course, and the deputy sent for Captain Stagg and ac- 
quainted him with it, and took his word for his appearance at 
the next court which was called of purpose. When the gov- 
ernor and six other of the magistrates were met, (for the gov- 
ernor did not send for such as dwelt far off,) and the jury, the 
merchants were persuaded not to put it to a jury, for the jury 
could find no more but the matter of fact, viz., whose the goods 
were, whether the merchants' in England, or theirs who shipped 
them, in regard they had not yet made any consignment of 
them, nor taken any bills of lading: and this the magistrates 
could as well determine upon proof, and certify accordingly: 
for it was resolved not to use any force against the parliament's 
authority; and accordingly they certified the Lord Admiral of 
the true state of the case, as they found it upon examination 
and oath of the factors. 

The pinnace, which went to Delaware upon discovery, re- 
turned with loss of their voyage. The occasion was, the 
Dutch governor made a protest against them, yet promised 
them leave to pass, etc., provided they should not trade with 
the Indians: also the Swedish governor gave them leave to 
pass, but would not permit them to trade; and for that end 

* And yet the elders were constantly dealing with affairs of state. 


each of them had appointed a pinnace to wait upon our pin- 
nace, but withal the master of their vessel proved such a drunk- 
en sot, and so complied with the Dutch and Swedes, as they 
feared, when they should have left the vessel to have gone up 
to the lake in a small boat, he would in his drunkenness have 
betrayed their goods, etc, to the Dutch, whereupon they gave 
over and returned home ; and bringing their action against the 
master both for his drunkenness and denial to proceed as they 
required, and as by charter party he was bound, they recovered 
200 pounds of him, which was too much, though he did deal 
badly with them, for it was very probable they could not have 

There fell out a troublesome business at Boston, upon this 
occasion. There arrived here a Portugal ship with salt, having 
in it two Enghshmen only. One of these happened to be 
drunk, and was carried to his lodging, and the constable, (a 
godly man, and zealous against such disorders,) hearing of it, 
found him out, being upon his bed asleep, so he awaked him, 
and led him to the stocks, there being no magistrate at home. 
He being in the stocks, one of La Tour's gentlemen Ufted up 
the stocks and let him out. The constable, hearing of it, went 
to the Frenchman, (being then gone and quiet,) and would 
needs carry him to the stocks ; the Frenchman offered to jield 
himself to go to prison, but the constable, not understanding 
his language, pressed him to go to the stocks : the Frenchman 
resisted and drew his sword ; with that company came in and 
disarmed him, and carried him by force to the stocks, but soon 
after the constable took him out and carried him to prison, and 
presently after took him forth again and delivered him to La 
Tour. Much tumult there was about this: many Frenchmen 
were in town, and other strangers, which were not satisfied 
with this dealing of the constable, yet were quiet. In the 
morning the magistrates examined the cause and sent for La 
Tour, who was much grieved for his servant's miscarriage, and 
also for the disgrace put upon him, (for in France it is a most 


ignominious thing to be laid in the stocks,) but yet he com- 
plained not of any injury, but left him wholly to the magis- 
trates to do with him what they pleased. The magistrates 
told him, they were sorry to have any such occasion against 
any of his servants, but they must do justice, and therefore 
they must commit him to prison, except he could find sureties 
to be forth coming, to answer, etc., and to keep the peace. 
La Tour's gentlemen offered to engage themselves for him. 
They answered, they might not take security of strangers in 
this case, otherwise they would have desired no more than 
La Tour's own word. Upon this two Englishmen, members of 
the church of Boston, standing by, offered to be his sureties, 
whereupon he was bailed till he should be called for, because 
La Tour was not like to stay till the court. This was thought 
too much favor for such an offence by many of the common 
people, but by our law bail could not be denied him; and be- 
side the constable was the occasion of all this in transgressing 
the bounds of his office, and that in six things. 1. In fetching 
a man out of his lodging that was asleep upon his bed, and 
without any warrant from authority. 2. In not putting a 
hook upon the stocks, nor setting some to guard them. 3. 
In laying hands upon the Frenchman that had opened the 
stocks, when he was gone and quiet, and no disturbance of the 
peace then appearing. 4. In carrying him to prison without 
warrant. 5. In dehvering him out of prison without warrant. 
6. In putting such a reproach upon a stranger and a gentleman, 
when there was no need, for he knew he would be forthcoming, 
and the magistrate would be at home that evening; but such 
are the fruits of ignorant and misguided zeal. It might have 
caused much blood and no good done by it, and justice might 
have had a more fair and safe way, if the constable had kept 
within his own bounds, and had not interfered upon the au- 
thority of the magistrate. But the magistrates thought not 
convenient to lay these things to the constable's charge before 
the assembly, but rather to admonish him for it in private, lest 


they should have discouraged and discountenanced an honest 
officer, and given occasion to the offenders and their abettors to 
insult over him. The constable may restrain, and, if need be, 
imprison in the stocks, such as he sees disturbing the peace, but, 
when the affray is ended and the parties departed and in quiet, 
it is the office of the magistrate to make inquiry and to punish 
it, and the persons so wrongfully imprisoned by the constable 
might have had their action of false imprisonment against him. 

6. (August) 26.] About nine in the evening there fell a great 
flame of fire down into the water towards Pullen Point; it Hghted 
the air far about : it was no lightning, for the sky was very clear. 

At Stamford an Indian came into a poor man's house, none 
being at home but the wife, and a child in the cradle, and tak- 
ing up a lathing hammer as if he would have bought it, the 
woman stooping down to take her child out of the cradle, he 
struck her with the sharp edge upon the side of her head, 
wherewith she fell down, and then he gave her two cuts more 
which pierced into her brains, and so left her for dead, carr5dng 
away some clothes which lay at hand. This woman after a 
short time came to herself and got out to a neighbor's house, 
and told what had been done to her, and described the Indian 
by his person and clothes, etc. Whereupon many Indians of 
those parts were brought before her, and she charged one of 
them confidently to be the man, whereupon he was put in 
prison with intent to have put him to death, but he escaped, 
and the woman recovered, but lost her senses. A good time 
after the Indians brought another Indian whom they charged 
to have committed that fact, and he, upon examination, con- 
fessed it, and gave the reason thereof, and brought forth some 
of the clothes which he had stolen. Upon this the magistrates 
of New Haven, taking advice of the elders in those parts, and 
some here, did put him to death. The executioner would strike 
off his head with a falchion, but he had eight blows at it before 
he could effect it, and the Indian sat upright and stirred not all 
the time. 


7. {September) 7.] Here came a pinnace from Virginia with 
letters from the governor and council there, for procuring 
powder and shot to prosecute their war against the Indians, 
but we were weakly provided ourselves, and so could not afford 
them any help in that kind. 

9.] Mr. La Tour departed from Boston ; all our train bands 
(it being then the ordinary training day) made a guard for him 
to his boat ; and the deputy governor and many others accom- 
panied him to the wharf. When he was aboard his bark, he 
weighed, and set sail and shot off all his gims, which were six, 
and our small shot gave him a volley and one piece of ordnance, 
and all the ships, viz., four, saluted him, each of them with three 

At the court of assistants, Thomas Morton * was called forth 
presently after the lecture, that the country might be satisfied 
of the justice of our proceeding against him. There was laid 
to his charge his complaint against us at the council board, 
which he denied. Then we produced the copy of the bill ex- 
hibited by Sir Christopher Gardiner, etc., wherein we were 
charged with treason, rebelHon, etc., wherein he was named as 
a party or witness. He denied that he had any hand in 
the information, only was called as a witness. To convince 
him to be the principal party, it was showed: 1. That Gardi- 
ner had no occasion to complain against us, for he was kindly 
used, and dismissed in peace, professing much engagement for 
the great courtesy he found here. 2. Morton had set forth 
a book against us, and had threatened us, and had prose- 
cuted a quo warranto against us, which he did not deny. 3. 
His letter was produced, written soon after to Mr. Jeffery, his 
old acquaintance and intimate friend, in these words. 

My very good gossip, 

If I should commend myself to you, you reply with this proverb, 
propria laus sordet in ore: but to leave impertinent salute, and really to 
proceed. — You shall hereby understand, that, although, when I was first 
* Morton of Merry Mount, whose return to America has been mentioned. 


sent to England to make complaint against Ananias and the brethren, I 
effected the business but superficially, (through the brevity of time,) I 
have at this time taken more deliberation and brought the matter to a 
better pass. And it is thus brought about, that the king hath taken the 
business into his own hands. The Massachusetts Patent, by order of 
the council, was brought in view; the privileges there granted well scanned 
upon, and at the council board in public, and in the presence of Sir 
Richard Saltonstall and the rest, it was declared, for manifest abuses there 
discovered, to be void. The king hath reassumed the whole business into 
his own hands, appointed a committee of the board, and given order for 
a general governor of the whole territory to be sent over. The commission 
is passed the privy seal, I did see it, and the same was 1 mo. Maii' sent to 
the Lord Keeper to have it pass the great seal for confirmation; and I 
now stay to return with the governor, by whom all complainants shall 
have relief: So that now Jonas being set ashore may safely cry, repent 
you cruel separatists, repent, there are as yet but forty days. If Jove 
vouchsafe to thunder, the charter and kingdom of the separatists will 
fall asunder. Repent you cruel schismatics, repent. These things have 
happened, and I shall see (notwithstanding their boasting and false 
alarms in the Massachusetts, with feigned cause of thanksgiving) their 
merciless cruelty rewarded, according to the merit of the fact, with con- 
dign punishment for coming into those parts, like Sampson's foxes with 
fire-brands at their tails. The king and council are really possessed of 
their preposterous loyalty and irregular proceedings, and are incensed 
against them : and although they be so opposite to the catholic axioms, 
yet they will be compelled to perform them, or at leastwise suffer them to 
be put in practice to their sorrow. In matter of restitution and satisfac- 
tion, more than mystically, it must be performed visibly, and in such sort 
as may be subject to the senses in a very lively image. My Lord Canter- 
bury having, with my Lord Privy Seal, caused all Mr. Cradock's letters 
to be viewed, and his apology in particular for the brethren here, protested 
against him and Mr. Humfrey, that they were a couple of imposterous 
knaves; so that, for all their great friends, they departed the council 
chamber in our view with a pair of cold shoulders. I have staid long, 
yet have not lost my labor, although the brethren have found their hopes 
frustrated; so that it follows by consequence, I shall see my desire upon 
mine enemies: and if John Grant had not betaken him to flight, I had 

*7. e., primo Maii, on the first of May. The "committee of the board" 
is doubtless the well-known colonial committee of April 28, 1634, whose com- 
mission is given in Bradford, appendix. 


taught him to sing clamavi in the Fleet before this time, and if he return 
before I depart, he will pay dear for his presumption. For here he finds 
me a second Perseus: I have uncased Medusa's head, and struck the 
brethren into astonishment. They find, and will yet more to their shame, 
that they abuse the word and are to blame to presume so much, — that 
they are but a word and a blow to them that are without. Of these par- 
ticulars I thought good, by so convenient a messenger, to give you notice, 
lest you should think I had died in obscurity, as the brethren vainly in- 
tended I should, and basely practised, abusing justice by their sinister 
practices, as by the whole body of the committee, una voce, it was con- 
cluded to be done, to the dishonor of his majesty. And as for Ratcliffe, 
he was comforted by their lordships with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's 
ears } which shows what opinion is held amongst them of King Winthrop 
with all his inventions and his Amsterdam fantastical ordinances, his 
preachings, marriages, and other abusive ceremonies, which do ex- 
emplify his detestation to the church of England, and the contempt of his 
majesty's authority and wholesome laws, which are and will be established 
in those parts, invita Minerva. With these I thought fit to salute you, 
as a friend, by an epistle, because I am bound to love you, as a brother, 
by the gospel, resting your loving friend. 

Thomas Morton. 
Dated 1 mo. Maii, 1634. 

Having been kept in prison about a year, in expectation 
of further evidence out of England, he was again called before 
the court, and after some debate what to do with him, he was 
fined 100 pounds, and set at hberty. He was a charge to the 
country, for he had nothing, and we thought not fit to inflict 
corporal punishment upon him, being old and crazy, but 
thought better to fine him and give him his hberty, as if it 
had been to procure his fine, but indeed to leave him oppor- 
tunity to go out of the jurisdiction, as he did soon after, and 
he went to Acomenticus, and hving there poor and despised, 
he died within two years after. 

7. (September) 16.] Here arrived a ship from Dartmouth. 
She was impressed into the king's service, and sent to sea in the 

* Ratcliffe's ears had been cropped by order of the Massachusetts authorities 
for speaking abusively of the magistracy and church government. 


Earl of Marlborough's fleet, but she left the fleet, and took in 
wine and salt at the Spanish Islands, and went to Virginia, 
where he left his merchants and divers of his men; and not 
putting off his goods there, he came to Boston, where the Lon- 
don ship, Captain Bayley commander, having commission 
from the parhament, would have taken him, but he stood upon 
his defence, and was able to keep his ship against the other. 
But another question arose about her, upon this occasion; 
our merchants of Boston had set out a small ship worth 
1500 pounds, which, being trading in Wales, was taken by 
the king's ships, whereupon the merchants desired leave to 
seize this ship for their satisfaction. On the other side, the 
master, being come under our command, desired our pro- 
tection. Our answer was, that, if he would deliver his sailors 
on shore, we would protect him till the court, etc. See more 
next leaf. 

17.] The Lady La Tour arrived here from London in a ship 
commanded by Captain Bayley. They had been six months 
from London, having spent their time in trading about Canada, 
etc. They met with D'Aulnay near Cape Sable, and told him 
they were bound for the Bay, and had stowed the lady and her 
people under hatches, so he not knowing it was Captain Bay- 
ley, whom he earnestly sought for, to have taken or sunk him, 
he wrote by the master to the deputy governor to this effect: 
That his master the king of France, understanding that the 
aid La Tour had here the last year was upon the commission 
he showed from the Vice Admiral of France, gave him in 
charge not to molest us for it, but to hold all good corres- 
pondency with us and all the Enghsh, which he professed 
he was desirous of, so far as might stand with his duty to 
his master, and withal that he intended to send to us so 
soon as he had settled his affairs, to let us know what fur- 
ther commission he had, and his sincerity in the business of 
La Tour, etc. 

Here arrived also Mr. Roger Williams of Providence, and 


with him two or three families. He brought with him a letter 
from divers lords and others of the parhament, the copy 
whereof ensueth. 

Our much honored Friends: 

Taking notice, some of us of long time, of Mr. Roger Williams his 
good affections and conscience, and of his sufferings by our common 
enemies and oppressors of God's people, the prelates, as also of his great 
industry and travail in his printed Indian labors in your parts, the like 
whereof we have not seen extant from any part of America, and in which 
respect it hath pleased both houses of Parliament freely to grant unto him 
and friends with him a free and absolute charter of civil government for 
those parts of his abode •} and withal sorrowfully resenting, that amongst 
good men (our friends) driven to the ends of the world, exercised with 
the trials of a wilderness, and who mutually give good testimony each of 
other, as we observe you do of him, and he abundantly of you, there 
should be such a distance; we thought it fit, upon divers considerations, 
to profess our great desires of both your utmost endeavors of nearer 
closing, and of ready expressing of those good affections, which we per- 
ceive you bear each to other, in the actual performance of all friendly 
offices; the rather because of those bad neighbors you are like to find 
too near unto you in Virginia, and the unfriendly visits from the West of 
England and from Ireland : that howsoever it may please the Most High 
to shake our foundations, yet the report of your peaceable and prosperous 
plantations may be some refreshing to 

Your true and faithful friends, 
Northumberland, P. Wharton, 

Rob. Harley, Thos. Barrington, 

Wm. Masham, Ol. St. John, 

John Gurdon, Isaac Pennington, 

Cor. Holland, Gil. Pykering, 

J. Blakiston, Miles Corbet. 

To the Right Worshipful the Governor and Assistants and the rest of 
our worthy friends in the plantation of Massachusetts Bay, in New 

* The Rhode Island charter of 1644. 

^ This letter is strong evidence of the respect in which Roger Williams was 
held. He had just before put humanity in his debt by writing The Bloudy Tenent, 
his famous defence of toleration, which appeared in 1644. 


19.] Two churches were appointed to be gathered, one at 
Haverhill and the other at Andover, both upon Merrimack 
river. They had given notice thereof to the magistrates and 
elders, who desired, in regard of their far remoteness and 
scarcity of housing there, the meeting might be at Rowley, 
which they assented unto, but being assembled, most of those 
who were to join, refused to declare how God had carried on 
the work of his grace in them, upon this reason, because they 
had declared it formerly in their admission into other churches ; 
whereupon the assembly brake up without proceeding, etc. 

The governor and others of the magistrates met at Boston 
upon two special occasions ; the one was for trial of an action 
between the Lady La Tour and Captain Bayley for not carrying 
her, etc., to her own place, and for some injuries done her 
aboard his ship. See more after. 

The other was upon the request of some merchants of Bos- 
ton, who, having a ship taken in Wales by the king's party, 
desired recompence by a ship of Dartmouth riding in our 
harbor. Whereupon we sent for the master of the Dartmouth 
ship, who dehvered his ship into our hands, till the cause should 
be tried, which he did the more willingly, for that some Lon- 
don ships of greater force, riding also in our harbor, had 
threatened to take him; and the next morning Captain Rich- 
ardson (having commission from the Lord Admiral) fitted his 
ship to take her, notwithstanding that he had been forbidden 
over night by the deputy governor to meddle with her, being 
under our protection, and lying so before Boston as their shot 
must needs do harm. Whereupon the governor and the other 
magistrates (sitting then in court) arose and went to take order 
about it, and having over night given commission to some to 
make seizure of the Dartmouth ship, they went aboard her 
with their commission, and an officer was sent with warrant to 
stay Captain Richardson, but he being then come to anchor 
close by the other ship, he could not (or would not) stay, but 
suffered his men to enter the other ship, and the master coming 


aboard him at his request, he detained him prisoner. Where- 
upon the governor, etc., sent two other masters of ships to him 
to command him ashore, but he seeing his men so unruly, and 
fearing they would fall to fight or pillage in his absence, (as he 
after told us,) excused himself for not coming upon that com- 
mand. Upon which fire was given to a warning piece from the 
battery, which cut a rope in the head of his ship: and upon that 
one of his men, without any command, ran down hastily to 
fire upon our battery ; but it pleased God that he hurt himself 
in the way, and so was not able to go on. A stranger also 
(unbidden) gave fire to another piece on the battery, which 
levelled at the bow of his ship, but it struck against the head of 
a bolt in the cutwater of the Dartmouth ship, and went no 
further. Then we sent forty men armed aboard the Dart- 
mouth ship, and upon that Captain Richardson came ashore 
and acknowledged his error, and his sorrow for what he had 
done, yet withal alleging some reasons for his excuse. So we 
only ordered him to pay a barrel of powder, and to satisfy the 
officers and soldiers we had employed, etc., and dismissed him. 
The reason was, because (through the Lord's special providence) 
there was no hurt done, nor had he made one shot; for if he 
had, we were resolved to have taken or sunk him, which we 
might easily have done, lying close under our battery, so as we 
could have played upon him with whole culverin or demi 
culverin six hours together, nor had he yet showed to us or to 
the master of the Dartmouth ship any commission. But after, 
he showed only an ordinary commission from the Lord Ad- 
miral, not under the great seal, nor grounded upon any ordi- 
nance of parhament, as Captain Stagg's was: therefore we for- 
bade him to meddle with any ship in our harbor, for he could 
not by that commission take a ship in any place exempt from 
the Admiral's jurisdiction. 

^„.-— gK^^attt«jla^ized this ship, we were to consult what to do 

/\ i^itn ner. iJiflj^^^mination, we found that the master and 

company were Dartni^uth men, and that the ship had formerly 



been employed in the parliament's service, but, Dartmouth 
being taken by the king, she had been employed for taking a 
vessel or two of the parliament's under the same master, but a 
captain put over him and many soldiers, and was since sold to 
a merchant of Christopher Island, and by his agent sent forth 
upon merchant affairs to divers places, and to repair at last 
to St. Maloes in France, where the agent dwelt, who was an 
Englishman and had used to trade at Dartmouth, whose letter 
of advice and the bill of sale of the ship were produced by the 
master. It appeared further to us, that Dartmouth had been 
cordial to the parliament, and stood out seven days against 
12,000 men ; and after it was surrendered did generally refuse 
to take the oath to the king, and the master among others, and 
that they had many better ships there which lay still at home, 
and such as they sent forth they were not to come home but by 
advice. Yet it appeared after by divers testimonies, that she 
belonged to Dartmouth, and the charter party also, and that 
the master was part owner. Divers of the elders, being called 
in for advice, agreed (near all) that she might be seized to 
satisfy for our two ships which the king's party had taken from 
us, and accordingly commission was given by the governor and 
council to the merchant to seize and use her, giving security 
to be responsible and 8 pounds per 100 if she should be lawfully 
recovered within thirteen months, but the company to have 
their wages and goods. 

While the governor and other of the magistrates were at 
Boston, a boat sent from Mr. D'Aulnay with ten men arrived 
at Salem, hearing that the governor dwelt there. There was 
in her one Marie, supposed to be a friar, but habited hke a 
gentleman. He wrote a letter to our governor by a gentleman 
of his company to know where he should attend him: and 
upon our governor's answer to him, he came the next day to 
Boston, and with letters of credence and commission from Mr. 
D'Aubiay; he showed us the king of France his commission 
under the great seal of France, with the privy seal annexed, 


wherein the proceedings against La Tour were verified, and he 
condemned as a rebel and traitor, etc., with command for the 
apprehension of himself and lady, who had fled out of France 
against special order, under, etc. He complained also of the 
wrong done by our men the last year in assisting of La Tour 
etc., and proffered terms of peace and amity. We answered to 
the 1. That divers of the ships and most of the men were 
strangers to us, and had no commission from us, nor any per- 
mission to use any hostility, and we were very sorry when we 
heard what had been done. This gave him satisfaction. To 
the other proposition we answered, that we could not conclude 
any league with him, without the advice of the commissioners 
of the united colonies; but if he would set down his proposi- 
tions in writing, we would consider further of them : and withal 
we acquainted him with what we had lately written to Mr. 
D'Aulnay, and the injuries we had complained of to him. So 
he withdrew himself to his lodging at Mr. Fowle's, and drew 
out both his propositions and answers to our complaints in 
French, and returned to us. He added two propositions 
more, one that we would aid him against La Tour, and the 
other that we would not assist him, and gave reasonable answer 
to our demands. Upon these things [he] discoursed half the 
day, sometimes with our governor in French, and otherwhile 
with the rest of the magistrates in Latin. We urged much for 
a reconcihation with La Tour, and that he would permit his 
lady to go to her husband. His answer was, that if La Tom- 
would voluntarily submit and come in, he would assure him his 
life and liberty, but if he were taken, he were sure to lose his 
head in France; and for his lady, she was known to be the 
cause of his contempt and rebellion, and therefore they could 
not let her go to him, but if we should send her in any of our 
vessels he must take her, and if we carried any goods to La 
Tour he would take them also, but he would give us satisfaction 
for them. In the end we came to this agreement, which 
was drawn up in Latin in these words, and signed by the 


governor and six other magistrates, and I\Ir. Marie, whereof 
one copy we kept and the other he carried with him. He came 
to Boston the sixth day very late, and made great haste away, 
so he departed on the third day following. We furnished him 
with horses and sent him to Salem well accompanied, and 
offered him a bark to carry him home, but he refused it. We 
entertained him with all com'teous respect, and he seemed to 
be surprised with his unexpected entertainment, and gave a 
very hberal testimony of his kind acceptance thereof, and as- 
surance of Mr. D'Auhiay's engagement to us for it. The 
agreement between us was tliis. 

The agreement between John Endecott, Esq., Governor of the 
Massachusetts in New England, and the rest of the magistrates there, 
and Mr. Marie, commissioner of Mr. D'Aulnay, Knight, Governor and 
Lieutenant General of his Majesty the king of France, in Acadie, a prov- 
ince of New France, made and ratified at Boston in the Massachusetts 
aforesaid, 8 die mensis 8, (October 8) An. Dom. 1644. 

The governor and the rest of the magistrates do promise to Mr. 
Marie, that they and ail the English within the jurisdiction of the Massa- 
chusetts aforesaid shall observe and keep firm peace with Mr. D'Aulnay, 
etc., and all the French under his command in Acadie: and likewise the 
said Mr. Marie doth promise for Mr. D'Aulnay, that he and all his people 
shall also keep fimi peace with the governor and magistrates aforesaid, 
and with all the inhabitants of the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts afore- 
said; and that it shall be lawful for all men, both French and English, to 
trade each with other: so that if any occasion of offence shall happen, 
neither party shall attempt any thing against the other in any hostile 
manner before the wrong be first complained of, and due satisfaction not 
given. Provided always, the governor and magistrates aforesaid be not 
bound to restrain their merchants to trade with their ships with any 
persons, either French or other, wheresoever they dwell : provided also, 
that the full ratification and conclusion of this agreement be referred to 
the next meeting of the commissioners of the united colonies of New 
England, for the continuation or abrogation of the same; and in the mean 
time to remain firm and inviolate.^ 

' The treaty is given in full in Hazard, State Papers, I. 536; also in Hutchin- 
son, Collections, 146. 


By this agreement we were freed from the fear om* people 
were in, that Mr. D'Aulnay would take revenge of our small 
vessels or out plantations, for the harm he sustained by our 
means the last year ; and also from any further question about 
that business. 

We were now also freed from as great a fear of war with 
the Narragansetts. For the commissioners, meeting at Hart- 
ford, sent for Onkus and some from Narragansett, (a sachem 
and a chief captain were sent,) and whereas the Narragansett 's 
plea against Onkus was, that he had put their sachem to death 
after he had received a ransom for his life, it was clearly proved 
otherwise, and that the things he received were part of them 
given him for his courteous usage of the said Miantunnomoh 
and those sachems which were slain in the battle, and another 
part, that Miantunnomoh might be given to the English. In 
the end it was agreed by all parties, that there should be peace 
on all sides till planting time were over the next year ; and then 
neither of them should attempt any hostile act against the 
other, without first acquainting the English, etc. therewith. 

The Lady La Tour, being arrived here, commenced her action 
against Captain Bayley and the merchant, (brother and factor 
to Alderman Berkley, who freighted the ship,) for not perform- 
ing the charter party, having spent so much time upon the 
coast in trading, as they were near six months in coming, and 
had not carried her to her fort as they ought and might have 
done : and upon a full hearing in a special court four days, the 
jury gave her 2,000 pounds. For had they come in any reason- 
able time, it might have been much more to her advantage in 
her trade and safety against D'Aulnay: whereas now it was 
like to occasion her utter ruin: for she knew not how to get 
home without hiring two or three ships of force. 

La Tour, and a vessel of ours in his company laden with 
provision, went hence with a fair wind, which if he had made 
use of, he had met with D'Aulnay, and after he had touched at 
divers places by the way, and staid there some time, he passed 


by Penobscott soon after D'Aulnay was gone into the harbor, 
and so escaped, whereas if he had passed any time many days 
before, he must needs have been taken. This vessel of ours in 
her return was met by D'Auhiay, who stayed her, and taking 
the master aboard his ship, manned the other with French- 
men, and telhng the master his intention, and assuring him of 
all good usage and recompense for the stay of his vessel, (all 
which he really performed,) he brought her with him to the 
mouth of St. John's river; and then sent her boat with one 
gentleman of his own to La Tour to show his commission, 
and withal desired the master to write to La Tour to desire 
him to dismiss the messenger safely, for otherwise D'Aulnay 
would keep him for hostage (yet he assured him he would not 
do it). So La Tour chsmissed the messenger in peace, which 
he professed he would not have done but for our master's sake. 
D'Aulnay carried our ketch with him to Port Royal, where he 
used the master very courteously and gave him credit for fish, 
etc., he bought of him, and recompense for keeping his vessel, 
and so dismissed him. Presently after their return, we sent 
another vessel to trade with D'Aulnay, and by it the deputy 
governor wrote to D'Aulnay to show the cause of sending 
her, with profession of our desire of holding good correspond- 
ency with him, etc., and withal persuading him by divers argu- 
ments to entertain peace with La Tour. That vessel found 
courteous entertainment with him, and he took off all her 
commodities, but not at so good rates as they expected. 

The Lady La Tour having arrested the captain and merchant 
of the ship, they were forced to dehver their cargo on shore to 
free their persons, by which means she laid her execution upon 
them to the value of 1100 pounds; more could not be had 
without unfurnishing the ship, which must have been by 
force, for otherwise the master and seamen would deUver 
none. The master petitioned the general court for his freight 
and wages, for which the goods stood bound by charter party. 
The general court was much divided about it, but the magis- 


trates voted that none was due here, nor the goods bound for 
them; but the major part of the deputies being of another 
judgment, they made use of their negative vote, and so nothing 
was ordered. Whereupon the master brought his action at 
the next court of assistants. When it came to be tried, two 
of the assistants were of opinion that it ought not to be put 
to trial, because the general court had the hearing and voting 
of it: but it was answered by the rest, (the governor being 
absent,) that, seeing the general court had made no order in it, 
this court might hear and determine it, as if the general court 
had never taken cognizance of it. Accordingly it was put to 
the jury upon this issue: Whether the goods were security 
for the freight, etc. And the jury found for the defendant, and 
yet in the charter party the merchants bound themselves, their 
executors, etc., and goods, as the owners had bound their ship, 
etc., to the merchants. 

This business caused much trouble and charge to the coun- 
try, and made some difference between the merchants of 
Charlestown, (who took part with the merchants and master 
of the ship,) and the merchants of Boston, who assisted the 
lady, (some of them being deeply engaged for La Tour,) so 
as offers were made on both sides for an end between them. 
Those of Charlestown offered security for the goods, if upon a 
review within thirteen months the judgment were not reversed, 
or the parliament in England did not call the cause before 
themselves. This last clause was very ill taken by the court, 
as making way for appeals, etc., into England, which was not 
reserved in our charter. The other offered them all the goods 
save 150 pounds to defray the lady's expenses in town, and 
security for that, if the judgment was reversed, so as the other 
would give security to answer the whole 2,000 pounds if the 
judgment were not reversed, etc. 

10. (December) 8.] The parties not agreeing, the lady took 
the goods and hired three ships which lay in the harbor, be- 
longing to strangers, which cost her near 800 pounds, and set 


sail for her fort. And the merchants, against whom she had 
execution for their bodies for satisfaction of the rest of the 
judgment, got into their ship and fell down beyond the castle, 
(where they were out of command,) and took aboard some 
thirty passengers, and so, (26,) in company of one of our own 
ships which carried about seventy passengers, they set sail for 

When our ship, etc., arrived at London, Alderman Berkley 
arrested the goods of two of the passengers. 


PART in 


17. 7. (September) 17.] The Lady La Tour arrived here in 
ship set forth from London by Alderman Berkley and Captain 
Bayley. They were bound for La Tour's fort, and set forth 
in the spring, but spent so much time in trading by the way, 
etc., as when they came at Cape Sable, Monsieur D'Aulnay 
came up to them in a ship from France, so as they durst not 
discover what they were, but stood along for Boston. The 
lady, being arrived, brought her action against them for de- 
laying her so long at sea, whereby she lost the opportunity of 
relieving her fort, and must be at excessive charges to get 
thither. The cause was openly heard at a special court at 
Boston before all the magistrates, and a jury of principal men 
impannelled, (most merchants and seamen,) and the charter 
party being read, and witnesses produced, it appeared to the 
court, that they had broken charter party, so as the jury gave 
her 2000 pounds damages. Whereupon the cargo of the ship 
was seized in execution, (so much of it as could be found,) and 
being meal, and peas, and trading stuff, etc., and being ap- 
praised by four men, sworn, etc., it was found to the value of 

* This is the part of Winthrop's Journal discovered in the year 1816, in the 
tower of the Old South Meeting House in Boston, the part unknown to the 
Hartford transcribers, and first published by Savage in 1825. While part ii. 
of the Journal was destroyed by fire in 1825, part iii. as well as part i. are pre- 
served in the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society, so that the ac- 
curacy of Savage's transcription may be verified. 



about 1100 pounds. The defendants desired liberty till the 
next year to bring a review, pretending they had evidence in 
England, etc. It was granted them, and they were offered to 
have all their goods again, (except 100 pounds for defraying the 
lady's present charges in Boston, for which they should have 
good security, etc.) so as they would put in security to answer 
the whole 2000 pounds, if they did not reverse the judgment 
within the year. This they refused, and would give security 
for no more than what they should receive back ; whereupon 
the execution proceeded. But the master of the ship brought 
his action upon the goods in execution for security for his 
freight and men's wages (which did amount to near the whole 
extended). The jury found against him, whereupon at the next 
general court he petitioned for redress. A great part of the 
court was of opinion, that the goods, being his security by 
charter party, ought not to be taken from him upon the execu- 
tion, and most of the deputies, and the deputy governor, and 
some others of the magistrates voted that way ; but the greater 
part of the magistrates being of the other side, he would not be 
relieved. The lady was forced to give 700 pounds to three 
ships to carry her home.^ 

It may be of use to mention a private matter or two, which 
fell out about this time, because the power and mercy of the 
Lord did appear in them in extraordinary manner. One of the 
deacons of Boston church, Jacob Ehot, (a man of a very sin- 
cere heart and an humble frame of spirit,) had a daughter^ 
of eight years of age, who being playing with other children 
about a cart, the hinder end thereof fell upon the child's 
head, and an iron sticking out of it struck into the child's head, 
and drove a piece of the skull before it into the brain, so as the 
brains came out, and seven sm-geons (some of the country, very 

^ This opening passage of part iii. Winthrop has crossed out in the manu- 
script, with the marginal comment, " this is before in the other book." It is how- 
ever worth while to retain the passage since it tells the story in somewhat different 

* The little girl was a niece of the Apostle Eliot 


experienced men, and others of the ships, which rode in the 
harbor) being called together for advice, etc., did all conclude, 
that it was the brains, (being about half a spoonful at one time, 
and more at other times,) and that there was no hope of the 
child's life, except the piece of skull could be drawn out. But 
one of the ruling elders of the church, an experienced and very 
skilful surgeon, liked not to take that course, but applied only 
plasters to it; and withal earnest prayers were made by the 
church to the Lord for it, and in six weeks it pleased God 
that the piece of skull consumed, and so came forth, and the 
child recovered perfectly; nor did it lose the senses at any 

Another was a child of one Bumstead, a member of the 
church, had a child of about the same age, that fell from a gal- 
lery in the meeting house about eighteen feet high, and brake 
the arm and shoulder, (and was also committed to the Lord in 
the prayers of the church, with earnest desires, that the place 
where his people assembled to his worship might not be defiled 
with blood,) and it pleased the Lord also that this child was 
soon perfectly recovered. 

The differences which fell out in the court, and still contin- 
ued [blank]. 

A bark was set out from Boston with seven men to trade at 
Delaware. They staid in the river near the Enghsh plantation 
all the winter, and in the spring they fell down, and traded 
three weeks, and had gotten five hundred skins, and some 
otter, etc., and being ready to come away, fifteen Indians came 
aboard, as if they would trade again, and suddenly they drew 
forth hatchets from under their coats, and killed the master 
and three others, and rifled the bark, and carried away a boy, 
and another man, who was the interpreter; and when they 
came on shore, they gave him forty skins, and twenty fathom 
of wampom, and other things, and kept them till about six 
weeks after. The Swedish governor procured another sachem 
to fetch them to him, who sent them to New Haven by a bark 


of that place, and so they were brought to Boston (5) 14, 45,* 
the man as a prisoner. 

(8) (October) 30.] The general court assembled again, and 
all the elders were sent for, to reconcile the differences between 
the magistrates and deputies. When they were come, the first 
question put to them was that which was stated by consent 
the last session, viz. 

Whether the magistrates are, by patent and election of the 
people, the standing council of this commonwealth in the 
vacancy of the general court, and have power accordingly to act 
in all cases subject to government, according to the said patent 
and the laws of this jurisdiction; and when any necessary 
occasions call for action from authority, in cases where there is 
no particular express law provided, there to be guided by the 
word of God, till the general court give particular rules in such 

The elders, having received the question, withdrew them- 
selves for consultation about it, and the next day sent to know, 
when we would appoint a time that they might attend the 
court with their answer. The magistrates and deputies agreed 
upon an hour, but the deputies came not all, but sent a com- 
mittee of four (which was not well, nor respectively, that when 
all the elders had taken so much pains at their request, some 
having come thirty miles, they would not vouchsafe their pres- 
ence to receive their answer). Their answer was affirmative 
on the magistrates' behalf, in the very words of the question, 
with some reasons thereof. It was delivered in writing by Mr. 
Cotton in the name of them all, they being all present, and not 
one dissentient. 

Upon the return of this answer, the deputies prepared 
other questions to be propounded to the elders, and sent them 
to the magistrates to take view of. Likewise the magis- 
trates prepared four questions, and sent them also to the 

1 July 14, 1645. 


The magistrates' questions, with the elders' answers, were: 

1. Whether the deputies in the general court have judicial 
and magistratical authority? 

2. Whether by patent the general court, consisting of mag- 
istrates and deputies, (as a general court) have judicial and 
magistratical authority? 

3. Whether we may warrantably prescribe certain penalties 
to offences, which may probably admit variable degrees of 

4. Whether a judge be bound to pronounce such sentence as 
a positive law prescribes, in case it be apparently above or be- 
neath the merit of the offence? 

The elders answer to the two first. 

1. The patent, in express words, giveth full power and au- 
thority, as to the governor and assistants, so to the freemen 
also assembled in general court. 

2. Whereas there is a threefold power of magistratical au- 
thority, viz., legislative, judicial, and consultative or directive 
of the public affairs of the country for provision and protec- 
tion. The first of these, viz., legislative is expressly given to 
the freemen, jointly with the governor and assistants. Con- 
sultative or directive power, etc., is also granted by the patent 
as the other. But now for power of judicature, (if we speak 
of the constant and usual administration thereof,) we do not 
find that it is granted to the freemen, or deputies, in the general 
court, either by the patent, or the elections of the people, or 
by any law of the country. But if we speak of the occasional 
administration thereof, we find power of judicature admin- 
istrable by the freemen, jointly with the governor and assistants 
upon a double occasion. 1. In case of defect or deUnquency 
of a magistrate, the whole court, consisting, etc., may remove 
him. 2. If by the law of the country there He any appeal to 
the general court, or any special causes be reserved to their 
judgment, it will necessarily infer, that, in such cases, by such 
laws, the freemen, jointly with the governor and assistants, 


have power of judicature, touching the appellant's cause of 
appeal and those reserved cases. WTiat we speak of the power 
of freemen by patent, the same may be said of the deputies, so 
far forth as the power of the freemen is delegated to them by 
order of law. 

To the third and fourth questions the elders answer. 

1. Certain penalties may and ought to be prescribed to capi- 
tal crimes, although they may admit variable degrees of guilt ; 
as in case of murder upon prepensed malice, and upon sud- 
den provocation, there is prescribed the same death in both, 
though murder upon prepensed malice be of a far greater 
guilt than upon sudden provocation, Numb. 35. 16. 18 with 
20. 21. Also in crimes of less guilt, as in theft, though some 
theft may be of greater guilt than other, (as for some man to 
steal a sheep, who hath less need, is of greater guilt, than for 
another, who hath more need,) the Lord prescribed the same 
measure of restitution to both. 

2. In case that variable circumstances of an offence do so 
much vary the degrees of guilt, as that the offence is raised to 
an higher nature, there the penalty must be varied to an higher 
answerable proportion. The striking of a neighbor may be 
punished with some pecuniary mulct, when the striking of a 
father may be punished with death. So any sin committed 
with an high hand, as the gathering of sticks on the Sabbath 
day, may be punished with death, when a lesser punishment 
may serve for gathering sticks privily, and in some need. 

3. In case circumstances do so vary a sin, as that many sins 
are compHcated or wrapped up in it, the penalty is to be varied, 
according to the penalties of those several sins. A single lie 
may be punished with a less mulct, than if it be told before the 
judgment seat, or elsewhere, to the damage of any person, 
whether in his good name, by slander, or in his estate, by detri- 
ment in his commerce ; in which case, a he aggravated by cir- 
cumstances is to be punished with respect both to a he and to a 
slander and to the detriment which another sustaineth thereby. 


4. In case that the circumstances, which vary the degrees of 
guilt, concern only the person of the offender, (as whether it 
were the first offence, or customary, whether he were enticed 
thereto, or the enticer, whether he were principal or accessory, 
whether imadvised, or witting or wilHng, etc.) there it were 
meet the penalty should be expressed with a latitude, whereof 
the lowest degree to be expressed (suppose five shillings, or, as 
the case may be, five stripes) and the highest degree, twenty 
shillings or, etc., or stripes more or less ; within which compass 
or latitude it may be free to a magistrate to aggravate or miti- 
gate the penalty, etc. Yet even here also care would be taken, 
that a magistrate attend, in his sentence, as much as may be, 
to a certain rule in these circumstances, lest some persons, 
whose sins be ahke circumstanced with others, if their punish- 
ment be not equal, etc., may think themselves more unequally 
dealt withal than others. 

5. In those cases wherein the judge is persuaded in con- 
science, that a crime deserveth a greater punishment than the 
law inflicteth, he may lawfully pronounce sentence according 
to the prescript penalty, etc., because he hath no power com- 
mitted to him by law to go higher. But where the law may 
seem to the conscience of the judge to inflict a greater penalty 
than the offence deserveth, it is his part to suspend his sentence, 
till by conference with the lawgivers, he find liberty, either to 
inflict the sentence, or to mitigate it. 

6. The penalties of great crimes may sometimes be miti- 
gated by such as are in chief power, out of respect to the pub- 
he good service which the delinquent hath done to the state in 
former times, as Solomon did by Abiathar, 1 Kings 2. 26. 27. 

Questions propounded to the elders by the deputies. 

1. Whether the governor and assistants have any power by 
patent to dispense justice in the vacancy of the general court, 
without some law or order of the same to declare the rule? 

The elders' answer was negative; and further, they con- 
ceived it meet, the rule should be express for the regulating of 


all particulars, as far as may be, and where such cannot be had, 
to be supplied by general rules. 

2. Quest. Whether any general court hath not power by 
patent, in particular cases, to choose any commissioners, (either 
assistants or freemen,) exempting all others, to give them com- 
mission, to set forth their power and places? By ''any partic- 
ular case" we mean in all things, and in the choice of all 
officers, that the commonwealth stands in need of between 
election and election; not taking away the people's hberty in 
elections, nor turning out any officer so elected by them, with- 
out showing cause. 

The elders answer. 

1 . If the terms, ' ' all things, ' ' imply or intend all cases of con- 
stant judicature and counsel, we answer negatively, etc., be- 
cause then it would follow, that the magistrates might be 
excluded from all cases of constant judicature and counsel, 
which are their principal work, whereby also the end of the 
people's election would be made frustrate. 

2. But if these terms, ''all things," imply or intend cases 
(whether occasional or others) belonging neither to constant 
judicature nor counsel, we answer affirmatively, etc., which yet 
we understand with this distinction, viz., that if the affairs com- 
mitted to such officers and commissioners be of general con- 
cernment, we conceive the freemen, according to patent, are to 
choose them, the general court to set forth their power and 
places ; but if they be of merely particular concernment, then 
we conceive the general court may choose them, and set forth 
their power and places. Whereas we give cases of constant 
judicature and council to the magistrates, we thus interpret the 
word "counsel." Counsel consists of care and action. In re- 
spect of care, the magistrates are not hmited; in respect of 
action, they are to be limited by the general court, or by the 
supreme council. Finally, it is our humble request, that in 
case any difference grow in the general court, between magis- 
trates and deputies, either in these, or any hke weighty cases, 


which cannot be presently issued with mutual peace, that both 
parties will be pleased to defer the same to further deliberation 
for the honor of God and of the court. 

Upon other propositions made by the deputies, the elders 
gave this further answer, viz. 

That the general court, consisting of magistrates and depu- 
ties, is the chief civil power of this commonwealth, and may 
act in all things belonging to such a power, both concerning 
counsel, in consulting about the weighty affairs of the common- 
wealth, and concerning making of laws, also concerning judi- 
catures, in orderly impeaching, removing, and sentencing any 
officers, even the highest, according to law, hkewise in receiv- 
ing appeals, whether touching civil or criminal causes, wherein 
appeals are or shall be allowed by the general court ; provided 
that all such appeals proceed orderly from an inferior court to 
the court of assistants, and from thence to the general court; 
or if the case were first depending in the court of assistants, 
then to proceed from thence to the general court, in all such 
cases as are appealable, ''as in cases judged evidently against 
"law, or in cases wherein the subject is sentenced to banish- 
''ment, loss of Hmb, or life, without an express law, or in cases 
''weighty and difficult, (not admitting small matters, the pur- 
"suit whereof would be more burdensome to the court and 
"country, than behoveful to the appellant, nor needlessly in- 
"terrupting the ordinary course of justice in the court of as- 
"sistants, or other inferior courts;) provided also, that if it do 
"appear, that the appeal proceed not out of regard of right, but 
"from delay of justice, or out of contention, that a due and just 
"punishment be by law ordained, and inflicted upon such 

That no magistrate hath power to vary from the penalty of 
any law, etc., without consulting with the general court. 

3. Quest. Whether the titles of governor, deputy, and as- 
sistants do necessarily imply magistratical authority, in the 


The elders' answer was affirmative. 

4. Quest. Whether the magistratical power be not given 
by the patent to the people or general court, and by them to the 
governor, etc. 

The elders answer, the magistratical power is given to the 
governor, etc., by the patent. To the people is given, by the 
same patent, to design the persons to those places of govern- 
ment; and to the general court power is given to make laws, 
as the rules of their administration. 

These resolutions of the elders were after put to vote, and 
were all allowed to be received, except those in the last page 
marked in the margin thus, '' ". Most of the deputies were 
now well satisfied concerning the authority of the magistrates, 
etc., but some few leading men (who had drawn on the rest) 
were still fixed upon their own opinions. So hard a matter it 
is, to draw men (even wise and godly) from the love of the 
fruit of their own inventions.* 

There fell out at this court another occasion of further 
trouble. The deputy governor having formerly, and from time 
to time, opposed the deputies' claim of judicial authority, and 
the prescribing of set penalties in cases which may admit vari- 
able degrees of guilt, which occasioned them to suspect, that he, 
and some others of the magistrates, did affect an arbitrary gov- 
ernment, he now wrote a small treatise about these points, show- 
ing what arbitrary government was, and that our government 
(in the state it now stood) was not arbitrary, neither in the 
ground and foundation of it, nor in the exercise and adminis- 
tration thereof. And because it is of pubhc, and (for the most 
part) of general concernment, and being a subject not formerly 
handled by any that I have met with, so as it may be of use to 
stir up some of more experience and more able parts to bestow 
their pains herein, I have therefore made bold to set down the 

^ This detailed and labored expounding of the patent by the elders for the 
benefit of the uneasy deputies is an incident in the long struggle in which the 
people conquered. 


whole discourse, with the proceedings which happened about 
it, in a treatise by itself, with some small alterations and addi- 
tions (not in the substance of the matter) for clearer evidence 
of the question. And I must apologize this to the reader, that 
I do not condemn all prescript penalties, although the argument 
seem to hold forth so much, but only so far as they cross with 
the rules of justice, and prudence, and mercy; also, in such 
cases of smaller concernment, as wherein there may be lawful 
liberty allowed to judges to use admonition, or to respite an 
offender to further trial of reformation, etc.* 

At this court Mr. Saltonstall moved very earnestly that he 
might be left out at the next election, and pursued his motion 
after to the towns. It could not appear what should move him 
to it; only Mr. Bellingham and he held together, and joined 
with the deputies against the rest of the magistrates, but not 
prevaiUng, and being oft opposed in pubHc, might put some 
discouragement upon his spirit, to see all differ from him save 
one. And indeed it occasioned much grief to all the elders, 
and gave great offence through the country ; and such as were 
acquainted with other states in the world, and had not well 
known the persons, would have concluded such a faction here 
as hath been usual in the council of England and other states, 
who walk by politic principles only. But these gentlemen 
were such as feared God, and endeavored to walk by the rules 
of his word in all their proceedings, so as it might be conceived 
in charity, that they walked according to their judgments and 
conscience, and where they went aside, it was merely for want 
of light, or their eyes were held through some temptation for a 
time, that they could not make use of the hght they had ; for 
in all these differences and agitations about them, they con- 
tinued in brotherly love, and in the exercise of all friendly 
offices each to other, as occasion required. 

One Cornish, dwelling some time in Weymouth, removed to 
Acomenticus, for more outward accommodation, and in the 

^ The tract is printed in Winthrop's Winthrop, II. 445. 


[blank] month last was taken up in the river, his head bruised, 
and a pole sticking in his side, and his canoe laden with clay 
found sunk. His wife (being a lewd woman, and suspected to 
have fellowship with one Footman) coming to her husband, he 
bled abundantly, and so he did also, when Footman was 
brought to him ;* but no evidence could be found against him. 
Then something was discovered against the son of Mr. Hull, 
their minister, and the woman was arraigned before the mayor, 
Mr. Roger Garde, and others of the province of Maine, and 
strong presumptions came in against her, whereupon she was 
condemned and executed. She persisted in the denial of the 
murder to the death, but confessed to have Hved in adultery 
with divers. She charged two specially,, the said Garde, the 
mayor, and one Edward Johnson, who confessed it openly at 
the time of her execution ; but the mayor denied it, and it gave 
some hkehhood that he was not guilty, because he had carried 
himself very zealously and impartially in discovery of the mur- 
der. But there might be skill in that ; and he was but a carnal 
man, and had no wife in the country, and some witnesses came 
in against him of his acknowledgment to the woman, etc. 

^ That the body of a murdered man bleeds afresh in presence of the murderer 
is an inveterate superstition of the Teutonic race. In the Nibelungen Lied, the 
body of Siegfried bleeds afresh in the presence of Hagen; the belief still persists 
in the ruder communities of the United States. 


12. (February) 17.] Mr. Allerton coming from New Haven 
in a ketch, with his wife and divers other persons, were taken 
in a great storm at northeast with much snow, and cast away 
at Scituate, but the persons all saved. 

12. (February) 16.] The winter was very mild hitherto, and 
no snow lay, so as ploughs might go most part of the winter, but 
now there fell so great a snow in several days, as the ways were 
unpassable for three weeks, so as the court of assistants held not 
(the magistrates and juries not coming to Boston (1) 4 (March) 
being the usual day for that court). And withal the weather 
was cold, and the frost as fierce as is at any time of the winter ; 
and the snow was not off the ground till the end of the first 

1645.] 2. (April) 6.] Two great fires happened this week, 
one at Salem; Mr. Downing having built a new house at his 
farm, he being gone to England, and his wife and family gone 
to the church meeting upon the Lord's day, the chimney took 
fire, and burnt down the house, and bedding, apparel, and 
household to the value of 200 poimds. The other was at Rox- 
bury this day. John Johnson, the surveyor general of the am- 
munition, a very industrious and faithful man in his place, hav- 
ing built a fair house in the midst of the town, with divers 
bams and other out houses, it fell on fire in the day time, (no 
man knowing by what occasion,) and there being in it seven- 
teen barrels of the country's powder and many arms, all was 
suddenly burnt and blown up, to the value of 4 or 500 pounds, 
wherein a special providence of God appeared, for he being 
from home, the people came together to help, and many were 
in the house, no man thinking of the powder, till one of the 
company put them in mind of it, whereupon they all withdrew, 



and soon after the powder took fire, and blew up all about it, 
and shook the houses in Boston and Cambridge, so as men 
thought it had been an earthquake, and carried great pieces of 
timber a great way off and some rags and such Ught things be- 
yond Boston meeting house. There being then a stiff gale at 
south, it drove the fire from the other houses in the town, (for 
this was the most northerly,) otherwise it had endangered the 
greatest part of the town. This loss of our powder was the 
more observable in two respects, 1. Because the court had not 
taken that care they ought to pay for it, having been owing for 
divers years ; 2. In that, at the court before, they had refused 
to help our countrymen in Virginia, who had written to us for 
some for their defence against the Indians, and also to help our 
brethren of Plymouth in their want. 

Mr. Wheelwright being removed from Exeter to Wells, the 
people remaining fell at variance among themselves. Some 
would gather a new church, and call old Mr. Batchellor from 
Hampton to be their pastor, and for that purpose appointed a 
day, and gave notice thereof to the magistrates and churches, 
but the court, understanding of their divisions and present un- 
fitness for so solemn and sacred a business, sent and wrote 
to them (by way of direction only) to desist for that time, and 
not to proceed until upon satisfaction given to this court, or 
the court at Ipswich, of their reconciliation, they might proceed 
with allowance of authority, according to order. To this they 
submitted, and did not proceed. 

The question about Seacunk, now Rehoboth, being revived 
this court, whether it should belong to this jurisdiction (upon 
the submission of the purchasers, etc.) or to Plymouth by right 
of their patent, the court (by order) referred it to the judgment 
of the commissioners of the union, who decreed it for Plymouth, 
with reservation, if better evidence should appear by the next 

Some malignant spirits began to stir, and declare themselves 
for the king, etc., whereupon an order was made to restrain 


such courses, and to prevent all such turbulent practices, either 
by action, word, or writing. 

The court ordered letters of thanks to be sent to Mr. Richard 
Andrews of London, haberdasher, for his gift of 500 pounds, 
and to the Lady Armine for her gift of 20 pounds per annum, 
and to the Lady Moulson for her gift, which was done accord- 
ingly by the committee appointed.* 

Upon advice from Mr. Weld, remaining still at London, a 
commission was sent under the pubHc seal to Mr. Pocock and 
divers other our friends in London to this effect, 1. To answer 
for us upon all such occasions as may be presented to the par- 
liament or any other court or officer, concerning us or our 
affairs, but not to engage us, without our consent, 2. To receive 
all letters and other despatches of pubhc nature or concern- 
ment from us, 3. To advise us of all occurrents as may happen 
touching our colony, 4. To receive all moneys or other things 
due to us from any person in England, by gift or otherwise, 
and to dispose of them by direction under our pubhc seal. 

Mr. John Winthrop, the younger, coming from England two 
years since, brought with him 1000 pounds stock and divers 
workmen to begin an iron work, and had moved the court for 
some encouragement to be given the undertakers, and for the 
court to join in carrying on the work, etc. The business was 
well approved by the court, as a thing much conducing to the 
good of the country, but we had no stock in the treasury to 
give furtherance to it, only some two or three private persons 
joined in it, and the court granted the adventurers near all their 
demands, as a monopoly of it for twenty-one years, hberty to 

* The last two gifts were to the college. Andrews had before shown himself 
generous. Lady Armine, granddaughter of the Earl of Shrewsbury, was wife 
of Sir William Armine, associated with Vane in the negotiation of the Solemn 
League and Covenant with the Scots, and a statesman of eminence. Lady Mowl- 
son had, in 1643, by a gift of £100, founded the first scholarship in Harvard 
College. She was the daughter of a London alderman, and widow of a lord 
mayor. Her maiden name was Ann Radcliffe. Radcliffe College has been 
named for her. 


make use of any six places not already granted, and to have 
three miles square in every place to them and their heirs, and 
freedom from public charges, trainings, etc., and this was now 
sent them over under the pubUc seal this year.* 

The court, finding that the over number of deputies drew 
out the courts into great length, and put the country to ex- 
cessive charges, so as some one court hath expended more 
[than] 200 pounds, etc., did think fit to have fewer deputies, 
and so to have only five or six out of each shire; and be- 
cause the deputies were still unsatisfied with the magistrates' 
negative vote, the magistrates consented to lay it down, so as 
the deputies might not exceed them in number, and those to be 
the prime men of the country, to be chosen by the whole shires ; 
but they agreed first to know the mind of the country. But 
upon trial, the greater number of towns refused it, so it was 
left for this time. 

At this court in the third month Passaconaway, the chief 
sachem of Merimack, and his sons came and submitted them- 
selves and their people and lands under our jurisdiction, as 
Pumham and others had done before. 

Mr. Shepherd, the pastor of the church in Cambridge, being 
at Connecticut when the commissioners met there for the 
United Colonies, moved them for some contribution of help 
towards the maintenance of poor scholars in the college, where- 
upon the commissioners ordered that it should be commended 
to the deputies of the general courts and the elders within the 
several colonies to raise (by way of voluntary contribution) 
one peck of com or twelve pence money, or other commodity, 
of every family, which those of Connecticut presently performed. 

5. (July) 3.] By order of the general court, upon advice 
with the elders, a general fast was kept. The occasions were, 

* These mining operations proved successful, ore in considerable amounts 
being obtained. The enterprise receives much notice in the public records. 
Boston Town Records, Second Report of the Record Commissioners (1877), I. 77, 
91, 92, 127; Records of Massachusetts, II. 61 (March 7, 1643/4). 


the miseries of England, and our own differences in the general 
court, and also for the great drought. In this latter the Lord 
prevented our prayers in sending us rain soon after, and before 
the day of humihation came. 

Divers free schools were erected, as at Roxbury (for main- 
tenance whereof every inhabitant bound some house or land for 
a yearly allowance forever) and at Boston (where they made 
an order to allow forever 50 pounds to the master and an house, 
and 30 pounds to an usher, who should also teach to read and 
write and cipher, and Indians' children were to be taught freely, 
and the charge to be by yearly contribution, either by voluntary 
allowance, or by rate of such as refused, etc., and this order 
was confirmed by the general court [blank]). Other towns did 
the like, providing maintenance by several means.^ 

By agreement of the commissioners, and the motions of the 
elders in their several churches, every family in each colony 
gave one peck of com or twelve pence to the college at Cam- 

1. (March) 25.] Another strange accident happened by 
fire about this time. One Mr. Peck and three others of Hing- 
ham, being about with others to remove to Seaconk, (which 
was concluded by the commissioners of the United Colonies to 
belong to Plymouth,) riding thither, they sheltered themselves 
and their horses in an Indian wigwam, which by some occasion 
took fire, and (although they were all four in it, and labored 
to their utmost, etc.) burnt three of their horses to death, and 
all their goods to the value of 50 pounds. 

Also some children were killed, and others sore scorched 
with wearing cloaths of cotton, which was very apt to take 
fire, and hard to be quenched; so as one man of Watertown 

* This passage is of interest as referring to the origin in New England of the 
common school, which may be traced farther back than the present date. In 
the Boston Town Records, p. 5 (April 13, 1635), Philemon Porraont is mentioned 
as "intreated" to undertake a school, and next year comes a list of subscribers, 
headed by Henry Vane, the governor. For reference to the sources of the common 
school system, see Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, I. 123. 


being so cloathed, and taking fire by endeavoring to save his 
house being on fire, was forced to run into a well to save his life. 

2. (April) 13.] Mr. Hopkins, the governor of Hartford upon 
Connecticut, came to Boston, and brought his wife with him, (a 
godly young woman, and of special parts,) who was fallen into 
a sad infirmity, the loss of her understanding and reason, 
which had been growing upon her divers years, by occasion of 
her giving herself wholly to reading and writing, and had writ- 
ten many books. Her husband, being very loving and tender 
of her, was loath to grieve her; but he saw his error, when it 
was too late. For if she had attended her household affairs, 
and such things as belong to women, and not gone out of her 
way and caUing to meddle in such things as are proper for men, 
whose minds are stronger, etc., she had kept her wits, and 
might have improved them usefully and honorably in the place 
God had set her. He brought her to Boston, and left her with 
her brother, one Mr. Yale, a merchant, to try what means 
might be had here for her. But no help could be had.* 

The governor and assistants met at Boston, to consider 
what might lawfully be done for saving La Tour and his fort 
out of the hands of D'Aulnay, who was now before it with all 
his strength both of men and vessels. So soon as we were met, 
word was brought us, that a vessel sent by some merchants to 
carry provisions to La Tour was fallen into the hands of D'Aul- 
nay, who had made prize of her, and turned the men upon an 
island, and kept them there ten days, and then gave them an 
old shallop (not above two tons) and some provisions to bring 
them home, but denied them their clothes, etc. (which at first 
he had promised them) and any gun or compass, whereby 
it was justly conceived that he intended they should perish, 
either at sea, or by the Indians (who were at hand, and chased 
them next day, etc.). Upon this news we presently despatched 
away a vessel to D'Aulnay with letters, wherein we expostu- 
lated with him about this act of his, complaining of it as a 

' Mrs. Hopkins was aunt of Elihu Yale, founder of Yale University. 


breach of the articles of our peace, and required the vessel and 
goods to be restored, or satisfaction for them. We gave 
answer also to some charges he laid upon us in a letter lately 
written to our governor, carried on in very high language, as 
if we had hired the ships, which carried home the lady La Tour, 
and had broken our articles by a bare sufferance of it, etc., 
which caused us to answer him accordingly, that he might see 
we took notice of his proud terms, and were not afraid of him. 
And whereas he oft threatened us with the king of France his 
power, etc., we answered that we did acknowledge him to be 
a mighty prince, but we conceived withal he would continue 
to be just, and would not break out against us, without hearing 
our answer, or if he should, yet New England had a God, who 
was able to save us, and did not use to forsake his servants, etc. 
So soon as he had set our men upon an island, in a deep snow, 
without fire, and only a sorry wigwam for their shelter, he car- 
ried his ship up close to La Tour's fort (supposing they would 
have yielded it up to him, for the friars and other their con- 
federates whom the lady presently upon her arrival had sent 
away, had persuaded him that he might easily gain the place. 
La Tour being come into the Bay, and not above fifty men left 
in it, and httle powder, and that decayed also ;) but after they 
had moored their ship, and began to let fly at the fort with their 
ordnance, they within behaved themselves so well with their 
ordnance, that they tare his ship so as he was forced to warp 
her on shore behind a point of land, to save her from sinking, 
(for the wind coming easterly, they could not bring her forth,) 
and they killed (as one of his own men reported) twenty of 
his men, and wounded thirteen more. 

The governor and assistants had used for ten or eleven 
years at least to appoint one to preach on the day of election, 
but about three or four years since the deputies challenged it 
as their right, and accordingly had twice made the choice, (the 
magistrates still professing it to be a mere intrusion, etc.,) and 
now at the last general court in October they had given order 


to call Mr. Norton to that service, (never acquainting the magis- 
trates therewith,) and about some two months before the time, 
the governor and divers other of the magistrates (not knowing 
any thing of what the deputies had done) agreed upon Mr. 
Norris of Salem, and gave him notice of it. But at this 
meeting of the magistrates it grew a question, whether of 
these two should be employed, seeing both had been invited, 
and both were prepared. At last it was put to vote, and that 
determined it upon Mr. Norton. The reason was, the unwilUng- 
ness of the magistrates to have any fresh occasion of contesta- 
tion with the deputies. But some judged it afaiUng (especially 
in one or two who had already joined in calHng Mr. Norris) 
and a betraying, or at least weakening the power of the magis- 
trates, and a countenancing of an unjust usurpation. For 
the deputies could do no such act, as an act of court, without 
the concurrence of the magistrates ; and out of court they had 
no power at "all, (but only for regulating their own body,) 
and it was resolved and voted at last court, (according to the 
elders' advice,) that all occurrents out of court belong to the 
magistrates to take care of, being the standing council of the 

One of our ships, which went to the Canaries with pipestaves 
in the beginning of November last, returned now, and brought 
wine, and sugar, and salt, and some tobacco, which she had at 
Barbadoes, in exchange for Africoes, which she carried from 
the Isle of Maio.* She brought us news, that a ship of ours of 
about 260 tons, set out from Cambridge before winter, was set 
upon, near the Canaries, by an Irish man-of-war,^ which had 
seventy men and twenty pieces of ordnance, whereas ours had 
but fourteen pieces and not above thirty men, and the Irishman 
grappled with our ship, and boarded her, and fought with her, 

^ A man of Winthrop's generation took such slave trading as is here referred 
to, as the ordinary course of business. The Isla de Maio was one of the Cape 
Verde Islands. 

^ The harbors of Ireland, especially Old Kinsale, became in the Civil War 
refuges for the King's ships which are described as Irish. 


side by side, near a whole day, but falling off, a shot of ours 
had taken off their steerage, so as they could not bring their 
ship to ours again, but we received a shot under water, which 
had near sunk our ship, but the Lord preserved her and our 
men, so as we had but two slain in all that time and some four 
wounded ; but the damage of the ship and her merchandise was 
between 2 and 300 pounds. 

We had tidings also of another of our ships of the like force, 
set out from Boston, which the Earl of Marlborough had lain 
in wait for at the Madeiras a good time, and with a ship of 
great force, but it pleased the Lord to send him away the very 
day before our ship arrived there. 

The wars in England kept servants from coming to us, so as 
those we had could not be hired, when their times were out, 
but upon unreasonable terms, and we found it very difficult to 
pay their wages to their content, (for money was very scarce). 
I may upon this occasion report a passage between one of 
Rowley and his servant. The master, being forced to sell a pair 
of his oxen to pay his servant his wages, told his servant he 
could keep him no longer, not knowing how to pay him the next 
year. The servant answered, he would serve him for more of 
his cattle. But how shall I do (saith the master) when all 
my cattle are gone? The servant replied, you shall then serve 
me, and so you may have your cattle again.* 

A village was erected near Ljnm, and called Reading; 
another village erected between Salem and Gloucester, and 
called Manchester. 

Among other benefactors to this colony, one Union Butcher, 
a clothier, near Cranbrook in Kent, did (for divers years to- 
gether, in a private way) send over a good quantity of cloth, 
to be disposed of to some godly poor people. 

The government of Plymouth sent one of their magistrates, 

* This passage, perhaps, approached the humorous more nearly than anything 
else in the Journal. Winthrop, staid and aristocratic, writes in the margin op- 
posite, "insolent." 


Mr. Brown, to Aquiday Island to forbid Mr. Williams, etc., to 
exercise any of their pretended authority upon the Island, 
claiming it to be within their jurisdiction.* 

Our court also sent to forbid them to exercise any authority 
within that part of our jurisdiction at Patuxent and Mishaomet ; 
and although they had boasted to do great matters there by 
virtue of their charter, yet they dared not to attempt anything. 

3. (May) 14.] The court of elections was held at Boston. 
Mr. Thomas Dudley was chosen governor, Mr. Winthrop, depu- 
ty governor again, and Mr. Endecott, serjeant major general. 
Mr. Israel Stoughton, having been in England the year before, 
and now gone again about his private occasions, was by vote 
left out, and Herbert Pelham, Esquire, chosen an assistant. 

This court fell out a troublesome business, which took 
up much time. The town of Hingham, having one Ernes 
their lieutenant seven or eight years, had lately chosen him to 
be their captain, and had presented him to the standing council 
for allowance ; but before it was accomplished, the greater part 
of the town took some hght occasion of offence against him, 
and chose one Allen to be their captain, and presented him to 
the magistrates (in the time of the last general court) to be 
allowed. But the magistrates, considering the injury that 
would hereby accrue to Emes, (who had been their chief com- 
mander so many years, and had deserved well in his place, and 
that Allen had no other skill, but what he learned from Emes,) 
refused to allow of Allen, but willed both sides to return home, 
and every officer to keep his place, until the court should take 
further order. Upon their return home, the messengers, who 
came for Allen, called a private meeting of those of their own 
party, and told them truly, what answer they received from 
the magistrates, and soon after they appointed a training day, 
(without their lieutenant's knowledge,) and being assembled, 

' Savage's note may be quoted. " I rejoice in the defeat of this futile claim 
by Plymouth, and equally rejoice in the ill success of the attempt by our own 
people mentioned in the next paragraph." 


the lieutenant hearing of it came to them, and would have ex- 
ercised them, as he was wont to do, but those of the other party 
refused to follow him, except he would show them some order 
for it. He told them of the magistrates' order about it; the 
others rephed, that authority had advised him to go home and 
lay down his place honorably. Another asked, what the magis- 
trates had to do with them? Another, that it was but three or 
four of the magistrates, and if they had been all there, it had 
been nothing, for Mr. Allen had brought more for them from 
the deputies, than the heutenant had from the magistrates. 
Another of them professeth he will die at the sword's point, if 
he might not have the choice of his own officers. Another 
(viz. the clerk of the band) stands up above the people and 
requires them to vote, whether they would bear them out 
in what was past and what was to come. This being assented 
unto, and the tumult continuing, one of the officers (he who 
had told them that authority had advised the heutenant to 
go home and lay down his place) required Allen to take the 
captain's place; but he not then accepting it, they put it to 
the vote, whether he should be their captain. The vote passing 
for it, he then told the company, it was now past question, and 
thereupon Allen accepted it, and exercised the company two or 
three days, only about a third part of them followed the lieu- 
tenant. He, having denied in the open field, that authority 
had advised him to lay down his place, and putting (in some 
sort) the he upon those who had so reported, was the next 
Lord's day called to answer it before the church, and he stand- 
ing to maintain what he had said, five witnesses were produced 
to convince him. Some of them affirmed the words, the others 
explained their meaning to be, that one magistrate had so 
advised him. He denied both. Whereupon the pastor, one 
Mr. Hubbert,* (brother to three of the principal in this sedition,) 

• Peter Hobart, Hubbert, or Hubbard, so strenuous in this tea-pot tempest 
in Hingham which became the occasion of such a difference between the magis- 
trates and the democracy, was a scholar of Magdalene College, Cambridge. He 


was very forward to have excommunicated the lieutenant 
presently, but, upon some opposition, it was put off to the 
next day. Thereupon the lieutenant and some three or four 
more of the chief men of the town inform four of the next 
magistrates of these proceedings, who forthwith met at Boston 
about it, (viz. the deputy governor, the serjeant major general, 
the secretary, and Mr. Hibbins). These, considering the case, 
sent warrant to the constable to attach some of the principal 
offenders (viz. three of the Hubbards and two more) to appear 
before them at Boston, to find sureties for their appearance 
at the next court, etc. Upon the day they came to Boston, 
but their said brother the minister came before them, and fell 
to expostulate with the said magistrates about the said cause, 
complaining against the complainants, as talebearers, etc., 
taking it very disdainfully that his brethren should be sent for 
by a constable, with other high speeches, which were so 
provoking, as some of the Tuagistrates told him, that, were it 
not for respect to his ministry, they would commit him. When 
his brethren and the rest were come in, the matters of the in- 
formation were laid to their charge, which they denied for the 
most part. So they were bound over (each for other) to the 
next court of assistants. After this five others were sent for by 
summons (these were only for speaking untruths of the magis- 
trates in the church). They came before the deputy governor, 
when he was alone, and demanded the cause of their sending 
for, and to know their accusers. The deputy told them so 
much of the cause as he could remember, and referred them to 
the secretary for a copy, and for their accusers he told them they 
knew both the men and the matter, neither was a judge bound 
to let a criminal offender know his accusers before the day of 
trial, but only in his own discretion, least the accuser might be 
taken off or perverted, etc. Being required to give bond for 

became minister of Hingham in 1635, where he remained nearly forty-five years. 
Five sons, four of them divines, were educated at Harvard. Few New England 
names have spread more widely or appear in more honorable connections. 


their appearance, etc., they refused. The deputy labored to 
let them see their error, and gave them time to consider of it. 
About fourteen days after, seeing two of them in the court, 
(which was kept by those four magistrates for smaller causes,) 
the deputy required them again to enter bond for their 
appearance, etc., and upon their second refusal committed 
them it nhat open court. 

The general court falling out before the court of assistants, 
the Hubberts and the two which were committed, and others of 
Hingham, about ninety, (whereof Mr. Hubbert their minister 
was the first,) presented a petition to the general court, to this 
effect, that whereas some of them had been bound over, and 
others committed by some of the magistrates for words spoken 
concerning the power of the general court, and their hberties, 
and the hberties of the church, etc., they craved that the court 
would hear the cause, etc. This was first presented to the 
deputies, who sent it to the magistrates, desiring their concur- 
rence with them, that the cause might be heard, etc. The 
magistrates, marvelling that they would grant such a petition, 
without desiring conference first with themselves, whom it so 
much concerned, returned answer, that they were willing the 
cause should be heard, so as the petitioners would name the 
magistrates whom they intended, and the matters they would 
lay to their charge, etc. Upon this the deputies demanded of 
the petitioners' agents (who were then deputies of the court) to 
have satisfaction in those points, thereupon they singled out 
the deputy governor, and two of the petitioners undertook the 
prosecution. Then the petition was returned again to the 
magistrates for their consent, etc., who being desirous that 
the deputies might take notice, how prejudicial to authority and 
the honor of the court it would be to call a magistrate to 
answer criminally in a cause, wherein nothing of that nature 
could be laid to his charge, and that without any private ex- 
amination preceding, did intimate so much to the deputies, 
(though not directly, yet plainly enough,) showing them that 


nothing criminal, etc. was laid to his charge, and that the things 
objected were the act of the court, etc., yet if they would needs 
have a hearing, they would join in it. And indeed it was 
the desire of the deputy, (knowing well how much himself and 
the other magistrates did suffer in the cause, through the 
slanderous reports wherewith the deputies and the country 
about had been possessed,) that the cause might receive a 
public hearing. 

The day appointed being come, the court assembled in the 
meeting house at Boston. Divers of the elders were present, 
and a great assembly of people. The deputy governor, com- 
ing in with the rest of the magistrates, placed himself beneath 
within the bar, and so sate uncovered. Some question was in 
the court about his being in that place (for many both of the 
court and the assembly were grieved at it). But the deputy 
telling them, that, being criminally accused, he might not sit as 
a judge in that cause, and if he were upon the bench, it would 
be a great disadvantage to him, for he could not take that 
Hberty to plead the cause, which he ought to be allowed at 
the bar, upon this the court was satisfied. 

The petitioners having declared their grievances, etc., the 
deputy craved leave to make answer, which was to this effect, 
viz., that he accounted it no disgrace, but rather an honor put 
upon him, to be singled out from his brethren in the defence of 
a cause so just (as he hoped to make that appear) and of so 
pubUc concernment. And although he might have pleaded to 
the petition, and so have demurred in law, upon three points, 
1. In that there is nothing laid to his charge, that is either crim- 
inal or unjust; 2, if he had been mistaken either in the law or 
in the state of the case, yet whether it were such as a judge is 
to be called in question for as a delinquent, where it doth not 
appear to be wickedness or wilfulness; for in England many 
erroneous judgments are reversed, and errors in proceedings 
rectified, and yet the judges not called in question about them; 
3, in that being thus singled out from three other of the magis- 


trates, and to answer by himself for some things, which were 
the act of a court, he is deprived of the just means of his de- 
fence, for many things may be justified as done by four, which 
are not warrantable if done by one alone, and the records of a 
court are a full justification of any act, while such record 
stands in force. But he was wilHng to waive this plea, and to 
make answer to the particular charges, to the end that the 
truth of the case, and of all proceedings thereupon might ap- 
pear to all men. 

Hereupon the court proceeded to examine the whole cause. 
The deputy justified all the particulars laid to his charge, as 
that upon credible information of such a mutinous practice, 
and open disturbance of the peace, and sHghting of authority, 
the offenders were sent for, the principal by warrant to the con- 
stable to bring them, and others by summons, and that some 
were boimd over to the next court of assistants, and others that 
refused to be bound were committed ; and all this according to 
the equity of laws here established, and the custom and laws 
of England, and our constant practice here these fifteen years. 
And for some speeches he was charged with as spoken to the 
dehnquents, when they came before him at his house, when 
none were present with him but themselves, first, he appealed 
to the judgment of the court, whether dehnquents may be re- 
ceived as competent witnesses against a magistrate in such a 
case; then, for the words themselves, some he justified, some 
he explained so as no advantage could be taken of them, as 
that he should say, that the magistrates could try some criminal 
causes without a jury, that he knew no law of God or man, 
which required a judge to make known to the party his ac- 
cusers (or rather witnesses) before the cause came to hearing. 
But two of them charged him to have said, that it was against 
the law of God and man so to do, which had been absurd, for 
the deputy professed he knew no law against it, only a judge 
may sometimes, in discretion, conceal their names, etc., least 
they should be tampered with, or conveyed out of the way, etc. 


Two of the magistrates and many of the deputies were of 
opinion that the magistrates exercised too much power, and 
that the people's Uberty was thereby in danger; and other of 
the deputies (being about half) and all the rest of the magis- 
trates were of a different judgment, and that authority was 
overmuch shghted, which, if not timely remedied, would en- 
danger the commonwealth, and bring us to a mere democracy. 
By occasion of this difference, there was not so orderly carriage 
at the hearing, as was meet, each side striving unseasonably to 
enforce the evidence, and declaring their judgments thereupon, 
which should have been reserved to a more private debate, (as 
after it was,) so as the best part of two days was spent in this 
pubHc agitation and examination of witnesses, etc. This being 
ended, a committee was chosen of magistrates and deputies, 
who stated the case, as it appeared upon the whole pleading 
and evidence, though it cost much time, and with great diffi- 
culty did the committee come to accord upon it. 

The case being stated and agreed, the magistrates and depu- 
ties considered it apart, first the deputies, having spent a whole 
day, and not attaining to any issue, sent up to the magistrates 
to have their thoughts about it, who taking it into considera- 
tion, (the deputy always withdrawing when that matter came 
into debate,) agreed upon these four points chiefly; 1. That 
the petition was false and scandalous, 2. That those who were 
bound over, etc., and others that were parties to the disturbance 
at Hingham, were all offenders, though in different degrees, 3. 
That they and the petitioners were to be censured, 4. That the 
deputy governor ought to be acquit and righted, etc. This 
being sent down to the deputies, they spent divers days about 
it, and made two or three returns to the magistrates, and though 
they found the petition false and scandalous, and so voted it, 
yet they would not agree to any censure. The magistrates, 
on the other side, were resolved for censure, and for the deputy's 
full acquittal. The deputies being thus hard held to it, and 
growing weary of the court, for it began (3) (May) 14, and brake 


not up (save one week) till (5) (July) 5, were content they 
should pay the charges of the court. After, they were drawn 
to consent to some small fines, but in this they would have 
drawn in lieutenant Emes to have been fined deeply, he being 
neither plaintiff nor defendant, but an informer only, and had 
made good all the points of his information, and no offence 
found in him, other than that which was after adjudged worthy 
admonition only ; and they would have imposed the charges of 
the court upon the whole trained band at Hingham, when it 
was apparent, that divers were innocent, and had no hand 
in any of these proceedings. The magistrates not consenting to 
so manifest injustice, they sent to the deputies to desire them 
to join with them in calhng in the help of the elders, (for they 
were now assembled at Cambridge from all parts of the United 
Colonies, and divers of them were present when the cause was 
pubhcly heard, and declared themselves much grieved to see 
that the deputy governor -should be called forth to answer as a 
dehnquent in such a case as this was, and one of them, in the 
name of the rest, had written to him to that effect, fearing least 
he should apprehend over deeply of the injury, etc.) but the 
deputies would by no means consent thereto, for they knew 
that many of the elders understood the cause, and were more 
careful to uphold the honor and power of the magistrates than 
themselves well hked of, and many of them (at the request of 
the elder and others of the church of Hingham during this 
court) had been at Hingham, to see if they could settle peace 
in the church there, and found the elder and others the peti- 
tioners in great fault, etc. After this (upon motion of the depu- 
ties) it was agreed to refer the cause to arbitrators according 
to an order of court, when the magistrates and deputies cannot 
agree, etc. The magistrates named six of the elders of the 
next towns, and left it to them to choose any three or four of 
them, and required them to name six others. The deputies 
finding themselves now at the wall, and not daring to trust the 
elders with the cause, they sent to desire that six of themselves 


might come and confer with the magistrates, which being 
granted, they came, and at last came to this agreement, viz., 
the chief petitioners and the rest of the offenders were severally 
fined, (all their fines not amounting to 50 pounds,) the rest of 
the petitioners to bear equal share to 50 pounds more to- 
wards the charges of the court, (two of the principal offenders 
were the deputies of the town, Joshua Hubbert and Bozone 
Allen, the first was fined 20 pounds, and the other 5 pounds,) 
Heutenant Emes to be under admonition, the deputy governor to 
be legally and publicly acquit of all that was laid to his charge. 
According to this agreement, (5) {July) 3, presently after 
the lecture the magistrates and deputies took their places 
in the meeting house, and the people being come together, and 
the deputy governor placing himself within the bar, as at the 
time of the hearing, etc., the governor read the sentence of 
the court, without speaking any more, for the deputies had (by 
importunity) obtained a promise of silence from the magis- 
trates. Then was the deputy governor desired by the court 
to go up and take his place again upon the bench, which he 
did accordingly, and the court being about to arise, he desired 
leave for a little speech, which was to this effect. 

I suppose something may be expected from me, upon this charge 
that is befallen me, which moves me to speak now to you; yet I intend 
not to intermeddle in the proceedings of the court, or with any of the per- 
sons concerned therein. Only I bless God, that I see an issue of this 
troublesome business. I also acknowledge the justice of the court, and, 
for mine own part, I am well satisfied, I was publicly charged, and I am 
publicly and legally acquitted, which is all I did expect or desire. And 
though this be sufficient for my justification before men, yet not so before 
the God, who hath seen so much amiss in my dispensations (and even 
in this affair) as calls me to be humble. For to be publicly and criminally 
charged in this court, is matter of humiliation, (and I desire to make a 
right use of it,) notwithstanding I be thus acquitted. If her father had 
spit in her face, (saith the Lord concerning Miriam,) should she not have 
been ashamed seven days? Shame had lien upon her, whatever the oc- 
casion had been. I am unwilling to stay you from your urgent affairs, 


yet give me leave (upon this special occasion) to speak a little more to this 
assembly. It may be of some good use, to inform and rectify the judg- 
ments of some of the people, and may prevent such distempers as have 
arisen amongst us. The great questions that have troubled the country, 
are about the authority of the magistrates and the liberty of the people. 
It is yourselves who have called us to this office, and being called by you, 
we have our authority from God, in way of an ordinance, such as hath the 
image of God eminently stamped upon it, the contempt and violation 
whereof hath been vindicated with examples of divine vengeance. I 
entreat you to consider, that when you choose magistrates, you take them 
from among yourselves, men subject to like passions as you are. There- 
fore when you see infirmities in us, you should reflect upon your own, 
and that would make you bear the more with us, and not be severe cen- 
surers of the failings of your magistrates, when you have continual ex- 
perience of the like infirmities in yourselves and others. We account him 
a good servant, who breaks not his covenant. The covenant between 
you and us is the oath you have taken of us, which is to this purpose, 
that we shall govern you and judge your causes by the rules of God's 
laws and our own, according to our best skill. When you agree with a 
workman to build you a ship or house, etc., he undertakes as well for his 
skill as for his faithfulness, for it is his profession, and you pay him for 
both. But when you call one to be a magistrate, he doth not profess 
nor undertake to have sufficient skill for that office, nor can you furnish 
him with gifts, etc., therefore you must run the hazard of his skill and 
ability. But if he fail in faithfulness, which by his oath he is bound 
unto, that he must answer for. If it fall out that the case be clear to com- 
mon apprehension, and the rule clear also, if he transgress here, the 
error is not in the skill, but in the evil of the will: it must be required of 
him. But if the case be doubtful, or the rule doubtful, to men of such 
understanding and parts as your magistrates are, if your magistrates 
should err here, yourselves must bear it. 

For the other point concerning liberty, I observe a great mistake in 
the country about that. There is a twofold liberty, natural (I mean as our 
nature is now corrupt) and civil or federal. The first is common to man 
with beasts and other creatures. By this, man, as he stands in relation 
to man simply, hath liberty to do what he lists; it is a liberty to evil as 
well as to good. This liberty is incompatible and inconsistent with 
authority, and cannot endure the least restraint of the most just authority. 
The exercise and maintaining of this liberty makes men grow more evil, 
and in time to be worse than brute beasts: omnes sum us licentia dete- 
riores. This is that great enemy of truth and peace, that wild beast, which 


all the ordinances of God are bent against, to restrain and subdue it. 
The other kind of liberty I call civil or federal, it may also be termed 
moral, in reference to the covenant between God and man, in the moral 
law, and the politic covenants and constitutions, amongst men themselves. 
This liberty is the proper end and object of authority, and cannot subsist 
without it; and it is a liberty to that only which is good, just, and honest. 
This liberty you are to stand for, with the hazard (not only of your goods, 
but) of your lives, if need be. Whatsoever crosseth this, is not authority, 
but a distemper thereof. This liberty is maintained and exercised in a 
way of subjection to authority; it is of the same kind of liberty wherewith 
Christ hath made us free. The woman's own choice makes such a man 
her husband ; yet being so chosen, he is her lord, and she is to be subject 
to him, yet in a way of liberty, not of bondage; and a true wife accounts 
her subjection her honor and freedom, and would not think her condition 
safe and free, but in her subjection to her husband's authority. Such is 
the liberty of the church under the authority of Christ, her king and hus- 
band; his yoke is so easy and sweet to her as a bride's ornaments; and if 
through frowardness or wantonness, etc., she shake it off, at any time, 
she is at no rest in her spirit, until she take it up again ; and whether her 
lord smiles upon her, and embraceth her in his arms, or whether he frowns, 
or rebukes, or smites her, she apprehends the sweetness of his love in all, 
and is refreshed, supported, and instructed by every such dispensation of 
his authority over her. On the other side, ye know who they are that 
complain of this yoke and say, let us break their bands, etc., we will not 
have this man to rule over us. Even so, brethren, it will be between you 
and your magistrates. If you stand for your natural corrupt liberties, and 
will do what is good in your own eyes, you will not endure the least weight 
of authority, but will murmur, and oppose, and be always striving to 
shake off that yoke; but if you will be satisfied to enjoy such civil and 
lawful liberties, such as Christ allows you, then will you quietly and 
cheerfully submit unto that authority which is set over you, in all the ad- 
ministrations of it, for your good. Wherein, if we fail at any time, we 
hope we shall be willing (by God's assistance) to hearken to good advice 
from any of you, or in any other way of God; so shall your liberties be 
preserved, in upholding the honor and power of authority amongst you.^ 

The deputy governor having ended his speech, the court 
arose, and the magistrates and deputies retired to attend their 

^ Winthrop's speech is fairminded and good tempered, though his soul was 
outraged at the democratic demands. 


other affairs. Many things were observable in the agitation 
and proceedings about this case. It may be of use to leave a 
memorial of some of the most material, that om' posterity and 
others may behold the workings of Satan to ruin the colonies 
and churches of Christ in New England, and into what distem- 
pers a wise and godly people may fall in times of temptation; 
and when such have entertained some false and plausible 
principles, what deformed superstructures they will raise 
thereupon, and with what unreasonable obstinacy they will 
maintain them. 

Some of the deputies had seriously conceived, that the 
magistrates affected an arbitrary government, and that they 
had (or sought to have) an unlimited power to do what they 
pleased without control, and that, for this end, they did strive 
so much to keep their negative power in the general court. 
This caused them to interpret all the magistrates' actions and 
speeches (not complying exactly with their own principles) as 
tending that way, by which occasions their fears and jealousies 
increased daily. For prevention whereof they judged it not im- 
lawful to use even extrema remedia, as if salus populi had been 
now the transcendent rule to walk by, and that magistracy 
must be no other, in effect, than a ministerial office, and all 
authority, both legislative, consultative, and judicial, must 
be exercised by the people in their body representative. 
Hereupon they labored, equis et velis, to take away the negative 
vote. Faihng of that, they pleaded that the magistrates had 
no power out of the general court, but what must be derived 
from the general court ; and so they would have put upon them 
commissions, for what was to be done in the vacancy of the 
general court, and some of themselves to be joined with the 
magistrates, and some of the magistrates left out. This not 
being yielded unto, recourse was had to the elders for advice, 
and the case stated, with incredible wariness; but the elders 
casting the cause against them, (as is before declared,) they yet 
beUeved, (or at least would that others should,) that the elders' 


advice was as much for them in their sense as for the magis- 
trates, (and if it were, they had no cause to shun the advice of 
the elders, as they have seemed to do ever since). This project 
not prevaihng, the next is, for such a body of laws, with pre- 
script penalties in all cases, as nothing might be left to the 
discretion of the magistrates, (while in the mean time there is 
no fear of any danger in reserving a hberty for their own discre- 
tion in every case,) many laws are agreed upon, some are not 
assented unto by the magistrates not finding them just. Then 
is it given out, that the magistrates would have no laws, etc. 
This gave occasion to the deputy governor to write that 
treatise about arbitrary government, which he first tendered to 
the deputies in a model, and finding it approved by some, and 
silence in others, he drew it up more at large, and having ad- 
vised with most of the magistrates and elders about it, he in- 
tended to have presented it orderly to the court. But to pre- 
vent that, the first day of the court, the deputies had gotten a 
copy, which was presently read amongst them as a dangerous 
hbel of some unknown author, and a committee was presently 
appointed to examine it, many false and dangerous things were 
collected out of it, all agreed and voted by them, and sent up to 
the magistrates for their assent, not seeming all this time to 
take any notice of the author, nor once moving to have his 
answer about it, for they feared that his place in the council 
would have excused him from censure, as well as the hke had 
done Mr. Saltonstall for his book against the standing council 
not long before. But if they could have prevailed to have had 
the book censured, this would have weakened his reputation 
with the people; and so if one of their opposite had been re- 
moved, it would somewhat have facilitated their way to what 
they intended ; but this not succeeding as they expected, they 
kept it in deposito till some fitter season. In this time divers 
occasions falling out, wherein the magistrates had to do in the 
vacancy of the general court, as the French business, the 
seizure of the Bristol ship by Captain Stagg, and of the Dart- 


mouth ship by ourselves, as is before related, and other affairs, 
they would still declare their judgments contrary to the magis- 
trates' practice; and if the event did not answer the counsel, 
(though it had been interrupted by themselves or others,) there 
needed no other ground to condemn the counsel; all which 
tended still to weaken the authority of the magistrates, and 
their reputation with the people. 

Then fell out the Hingham case, which they eagerly laid 
hold on, and pursued to the utmost, for they doubted not but 
they could now make it appear, either that the magistrates 
had abused their authority, or else that their authority was too 
great to consist with the people's liberty, and therefore ought to 
be reduced within narrower bounds. In pursuit whereof it may 
be observed, 

1. That a cause, orderly referred to a trial, at a court of as- 
sistants, should be taken into the general court, before it had 
received a due proceeding in the proper court ; the hke having 
never been done before, nor any law or order directing thereto, 
but rather the contrary. 

2. That a scandalous petition against some of the magis- 
trates should be received by the deputies, and the magistrates 
often pressed to consent to a judicial hearing, and to give way 
that the deputy governor should be called to answer thereupon, 
as a delinquent, before any examination were first privately 
had, about the justice of the cause. 

3. That the testimony, in writing, of the three chief est 
officers of the commonwealth (in a case properly committed to 
their trust) should be rejected, by a considerable part of the 
court, as a thing of no credit. 

4. That the same part of the court should vote manifest 
contradictions, and require assent to both. 

5. That being clearly convinced, that the petition was false 
and scandalous, and so voted, they should yet professedly refuse 
to assent to any due censure. 

6. That they should receive the testimony of two of those 


whom themselves judged deUnquents and false accusers, and 
thereupon judge him, the deputy governor, an offender in 
words, against his own protestation, and other testimony con- 
curring, and that in a matter of no moment, and against com- 
mon reason, to be either spoken by him, or beheved by others, 
in such sense as they were charged upon him. 

7. That a mutinous and seditious practice, carried on with 
an high hand, to the open contempt of authority, attempting 
to make division in the town, and a dangerous rent in the 
highest court of the jurisdiction, should (by such a considerable 
part of the same court, looked at by others as the choice of the 
country for piety, prudence, and justice) be accounted as 
worthy of no censure, and in the conclusion not valued at so 
high a rate, as some offences have been of private concernment 
arising of common infirmity. 

8. That this practice should hold forth an apprehension, 
that liberty and authority are incompatible, in some degrees; 
so as no other way can be found to preserve the one, but by 
abasing and abating the honor and power of the other. 

9. That being entrusted with the care and means of the 
country's prosperity, we should waste our time and their es- 
tates and our own (for the charges of this court came to 300 
pounds) in such agitations as tend only to the discountenanc- 
ing and interrupting the ordinary means of our welfare. 

10. That while we sympathize with our native country in 
their calamities, and confess our own compHance with them in 
the provocations of God's wrath, (as in many days of humiha- 
tion, and one even in the time of this court,) we should be hast- 
ing by all our skill and power to bring the like miseries upon 

11. That Bozon Allen, one of the deputies of Hingham, and 
a delinquent in that common cause, should be pubhcly convict 
of divers false and reproachful speeches published by him con- 
cerning the deputy governor, and the book he wrote about 
arbitrary government, as that it was worse than Gorton's let- 


ters, that it should be burnt under the gallows, that if some 
other of the magistrates had written it, it would have cost him 
his ears, if not his head, and other like speeches, and no cen- 
sure set upon him for this, only he was fined 5 pounds among 
others, for their offences in general. 

12. It is observable, that the deputies, being so divided, (for 
of thirty-three there was only the odd man who carried it in 
most of their votes,) remembered at length a law they had 
agreed to in such cases, viz., that in causes of judicature they 
would not proceed without taking an oath, etc., whereupon the 
most of them took it among themselves, (quaere, quo jure?) 
but five of them came to the magistrates, who administered 
the oath to them. 

We had intelHgence from Pascataquack of a French ship 
of 200 tons, full of men, which hovered up and down, and 
would not take harbor, though a pilot had been offered them 
by a fisher's boat of Isle of Shoals ; whereupon all concluded it 
was Monsieur D'Aulnay lying in wait for La Tour, and the 
wind continuing easterly, we had intelHgence from Plymouth, 
that she was imbayed near Sandwich among the Shoals. The 
court consulted what was to be done. Some advised to take 
no notice of her, lest, if we should send out to her, we should 
be necessitated (in common courtesy) to invite him to Boston, 
and so put ourselves to a needless charge and interruption in 
our business; for being but one ship, there was no fear of any 
danger, etc. But the major part prevailed to send out two 
shallops and the letter which we had ready to send to him; 
but before the shallops could get out, she was gone, and it was 
found after to be a fishing ship, which had lost her way, by 
contrary winds, etc. 

I should have mentioned in the Hingham case, what care 
and pains many of the elders had taken to reconcile the differ- 
ences which were grown in that church. Mr. Hubbert, the pas- 
tor there, being of a Presbyterial spirit, did manage all affairs 
without the church's advice, which divers of the congregation 


not liking of, they were divided in two parts. Lieutenant 
Emes, etc., having complained to the magistrates, as is before 
expressed, Mr. Hubbert, etc., would have cast him out of the 
church, pretending that he had told a he, whereupon they pro- 
cured the elders to write to the church, and so did some of the 
magistrates also, whereupon they stayed proceeding against 
the lieutenant for a day or two. But he and some twelve more 
of them, perceiving he was resolved to proceed, and finding no 
way of reconciliation, they withdrew from the chm-ch, and 
openly declared it in the congregation. This course the elders 
did not approve of. But being present in the court, when 
their petition against the deputy governor was heard, Mr. 
Hubbert, perceiving the cause was like to go against him 
and his party, desired the elders to go to Hingham to mediate 
a reconciliation (which he would never hearken to before, being 
earnestly sought by the other party, and offered by the elders) 
in the interim of the court's adjournment for one week. They 
readily accepted the motion, and went to Hingham, and spent 
two or three days there, and found the pastor and his party in 
great fault, but could not bring him to any acknowledgment. 
In their retm-n by water, they were kept twenty-four hours in 
the boat, and were in great danger by occasion of a tempest 
which arose in the night ; but the Lord preserved them. 

This year the Trial of Boston arrived from London, and 
brought many useful commodities from thence and from Hol- 
land. She had been preserved in divers most desperate dan- 
gers, having been on ground upon the sands by Flushing, and 
again by Dover, and in great tempests ; but the Lord delivered 
him beyond expectation. Here arrived about ten ships more, 
(one of our own called the Eiideavor of Cambridge,) which 
brought store of linen, woollen, shoes, stockings, and other use- 
ful commodities, so as we had plenty of all things, and divers 
of the ships took pay in wheat, rye, peas, etc., so as there went 
out of the country this year about 20,000 bushels of com. 
Yet it was feared no ships would have come to us, because we 


had suffered the Bristol and Dartmouth ships to be taken m 
our harbor. 

The parhament also had made an ordinance to free all goods 
from custom, which came to New England, which caused the 
magistrates to dispense with an order, made the last general 
court, for all ships to pay sixpence the ton, which we freed all 
parliament ships from ; and good reason, for by that order we 
might have gotten 20 or 30 pounds this year, and by the ordi- 
nance of parliament we saved 3 or 400 pounds. 

When one of the ships came near Cape Ann, 20 (6) (August 
20) 45, an hour and a half before night, there appeared to all 
the company a sun near the horizon, more bright than the true 
sun, (which was seen above it,) which continued near an hour, 
there being a small cloud between the true sun and that. This 
was affirmed by divers persons of credit, who were of this 
country and then in the ship. But it was not seen by any 
upon the shore. Captain Wall was master of the ship. 

The merchants of Boston sent a pinnace the last winter to 
trade in Delaware Bay. She traded upon Maryland side, and 
had gotten a good parcel of beaver; at last the Indians came 
aboard, and while the Enghsh (who were about five and a boy) 
were trading with some of them, others drew out hatchets 
from under their coats, and killed the master and three others, 
and took the other and the boy, and carried them on shore, and 
rifled the pinnace of all her goods and sails, etc. Soon after, 
other Indians came upon these and slew the sachem, and took 
away all their goods they had stolen. There was one Redman 
suspected to have betrayed their pinnace, for he being linkister,^ 
(because he could speak the language,) and being put out of 
that employment for his evil carriage, did bear ill will to the 
master, and the Indians spared him, and gave him a good 
part of the spoil, and he lived amongst them five or six 
weeks, till the Swedish governor procured other Indians to 
go fetch him and the boy to his fort, from whence they were 

* Linkister, linguister, interpreter. 


brought to Boston, and the said Redman was tried for his 
life, and being found guilty by the grand jury, was deferred 
his farther trial in expectation of more evidence to come from 

The governor, Mr. Endecott, having received a letter from 
Monsieur D'Aulnay in the spring, wherein he shghted us very 
much, and charged us with breach of covenant in entertaining 
La Tour, in sending home his lady, etc., we returned a sharp 
answer to him by Mr. Allen, declaring our innocency, in that 
we sent not the lady home, but she hired three London ships, 
etc., as is before related, page 208. When he had received this 
letter, he was in a great rage, and told Mr. Allen that he would 
return no answer; nor would he permit him to come within his 
fort, but lodged him in his gunner's house without the gate, and 
himself came daily, and dined and supped with him, but at last 
he wrote to our governor in very high language, requiring 
satisfaction for burning his mill, etc., and threatening revenge, 
etc. So the matter rested till the meeting of the commissioners 
in the seventh month next, and then their agreement to the 
peace was sent to him by a special messenger. Captain Robert 
Bridges, as is hereafter declared. 

We understood for certain afterward that Monsieur La 
Tour's fort was taken by assault and scalado,* that Monsieur 
D'Auhiay lost in the attempt twelve men, and had many 
wounded, and that he had put to death all the men (both 
French and English) and had taken the lady, who died within 
three weeks after, and her httle child and her gentlewoman 
were sent into France. La Tour valued his jewels, plate, 
household, ordnance, and other moveables, at 10,000 pounds. 
The more was his folly to leave so much substance in so great 
danger, when he might have brought the most of it to Boston, 
whereby he might have discharged his engagements of more 
than 2500 pounds to Major Edward Gibbons, (who by this 
loss was now quite undone,) and might have had somewhat 

* Escalade. 


to have maintained himself and his men; for want whereof 
his servants were forced to go out of the country, some to the 
Dutch, and others to France, and he himself to lie at other 
men's charge. But in the spring he went to Newfoundland, 
and there was courteously entertained by Sir David Kirk, the 
governor, who promised him assistance, etc. But he returned 
to Boston again by the vessel which carried him, and all the 
next winter was entertained by Mr. Samuel Maverick at Nottles 

Some of our merchants of Boston and Charlestown sent 
forth a ship and other vessels to Newfoundland upon a fishing 
voyage. They went not to Ferryland, (where they might 
have been in safety,) but to the Bay of Bulls, and when they 
had near made their voyage, Captain Fimes's ships (being 
of the king's party) came and took their ship and most of their 
fish ; so the men returned safe, but lost their voyage. Firnes 
was hereby five ships strong, and so went to the Terceras, 
and there fought with two ships of London and a Scotch ship, 
who sunk two of Firnes's ships, and made him fly with the rest. 

Captain Thomas Hawkins, a shipwright of London, who had 
lived here divers years, had built at Boston a ship of 400 
tons and upward, and had set her out with much strength 
of ordnance, and ornament of carving, painting, etc., and called 
her the Seafort, and the last 23 (9) (November 23) he set sail 
from Boston, accompanied with another ship of London, Mr. 
Kerman, master, laden with bolts, tobacco, etc. for Malago. 
When they came near the coast of Spain, in the evening, some 
of the company supposed they saw land, yet they sailed on all 
the night, with a fair gale, and towards the morning they saw a 
light or two, which they conceiving to have been in some ships, 
either Turks or others, they prepared their ships and stood on 
towards them. But some three hours before day [blank] 

^ La Tour later had better fortune. D'Aulnay dying in 1650, La Tour, 
then a widower, married the widow of d'Aulnay. Hutchinson, History of Massa- 
chusetts Bay, I. 127, note. 


(10 ber.) (December) both ships struck aground, and presently 
brake. Nineteen were drowned, whereof Mr. Kerman was one, 
and one Mr. Thomas Coytmore of Charlestown (a right godly 
man, and an expert seaman) was another, and Mr. Pratt and 
his wife. This man was above sixty years old, an experienced 
surgeon, who had Hved in New England many years, and was 
of the first church at Cambridge in Mr. Hooker's time, and had 
good practice, and wanted nothing. But he had been long 
discontented, because his employment was not so profitable 
to himself as he desired, and it is hke he feared lest he should 
fall into want in his old age, and therefore he would needs go 
back into England, (for surgeons were then in great request 
there by occasion of the wars,) but God took him away child- 
less. The rest of the company (both women and children, who 
went passengers that way into England, choosing to go in that 
ship, because of her strength and conveniency, rather than in 
another ship, which went right for England, and arrived safe 
there) were all saved, upon pieces of the ships, and by the help 
of a rope which one of the seamen swam on shore with ; and 
although the ships at first grounded two or three miles from 
the shore, yet (through the Lord's great mercy) they were 
heaved by the seas near to the dry land before they fell in 
pieces. This was five miles from Calcs.* In the morning the 
poor people of the island came down, and pillaged all they 
could come by, yea they took away some pieces of plate, 
which the passengers had saved. But when they came to the 
city, (naked and barefoot as they went frighted out of their 
cabins,) the Spaniards used them kindly, especially the women, 
and clothed them, and took them into their houses. There 
was an English ship then in the roads, whereof one Mr. 
Mariot was master: he entertained as many as his ship 
could stow, and clothed many of them with his own clothes, 
(the Lord reward him). The governor of the island gave 
Captain Hawkins 500 pounds for the wreck of his ship. 

* Cadiz. 


The same Captain Hawkins going for London, found much 
favor with his creditors and others his friends there, so as the 
next year they employed him to Malago, to meet a New Eng- 
land ship called [blank,] built at Cambridge, and freight for 
Malago with pipe staves, fish, and other commodities, which he 
was to freight thence with wine, etc., for London, but as she 
was on her voyage, (Captain Hawkins being in her, and twelve 
other ships in company) being come out of the Streight's 
mouth,* they were taken with such a violent tempest at south, 
as they were (five of them, whereof Captain Hawkins's ship was 
one) cast upon the same place at Cales, where his ship was 
wrecked the year before, and there all their ships were cast 
away, but all the men in Captain Hawkins's ship were saved, 
and most of the rest. This was 2 (12) 45.^ 

The scarcity of good ministers in England, and want of em- 
ployment for our new graduates here, occasioned some of them 
to look abroad. Three honest young men, good scholars, and 
very hopeful, viz. a younger son of Mr. Higginson, to England, 
and so to Holland, and after to the East Indies, a younger son 
of Mr. Buckley, a Batchellor of Arts to England, and Mr. 
George Downing,^ son of Mr. Emanuel Downing of Salem, 
Batchellor of Arts also, about twenty years of age, went in a 
ship to the West Indies to instruct the seamen. He went by 
Newfoundland, and so to Christophers, and Barbados, and 

* Strait of Gibraltar. ^ February 2, 1645/6. 

^ Of these hopeful youths, George Downing later figured prominently upon 
the old-world stage. Quick, adroit, and indefatigable, he passed rapidly to the 
post of scoutmaster-general, serving the Commonwealth as chief of the intelligence 
department, and later as an instrument of Cromwell, in high diplomatic position. 
As unprincipled as able, he became the tool of Charles II. at the Restoration, and 
is charged with having given over to execution three regicides, his old asso- 
ciates, one of them the commander under whom he had served, the Colonel 
Okey mentioned above. As envoy to the Netherlands, he had much to do with 
bringing about the Second Dutch War and the acquisition of New Netherland. 
His defective character was recognized by his contemporaries. Pepys, who had 
a place under him, calls him "a perfidious rogue." {Diary, March 12, 1662.) 
He was Winthrop's nephew, the first son of Harvard to attain high distinction. 
For Downing's methods see Pepys, Diary, December 27, 1668. 


Nevis, and being requested to preach in all these places, he 
gave such content, as he had large offers made to stay with 
them. But he continued in the ship to England, and being a 
very able scholar, and of a ready wit and fluent utterance, he 
was soon taken notice of, and called to be a preacher in Sir 
Thomas Fairfax his army, to Colonel Okye his regiment. 

The inhabitants of Boston, Charlestown, Cambridge, Rox- 
bury, and Dorchester, conceiving that the fortification at Castle 
Island (which by a late order of court was deserted) would be 
of great use for their defence against a foreign enemy, agreed 
among themselves (with leave of the court) to repair and for- 
tify the same ; and accordingly they chose a committee out of 
the several towns to raise means, and to get the work done. 
Whereupon the old earthwork was slighted, and a new work 
of pine trees, [blank] foot square, fourteen foot high, and 
[blank] foot thick, was reared, with four bulwarks, which cost 
in all [blank]. But finding the charge of the work and the 
maintenance of a garrison to be over heavy for them, they 
petitioned the general court in [blank] to afford assistance, 
which with much difficulty was at length obtained to this 

In the beginning of the winter a Portugal ship lying at Na- 
tascot, (now called Hull,) the seamen stole divers goats off the 
islands there. Complaint thereof being made to the governor 
and council, they gave warrant to one Mr. Smith, who then lay 
with his ship in the same place, to require the Portugal to give 
satisfaction, or else to bring his ship up to Boston. Mr. Smith 
(who was a member of the church of Boston) sent one Thomas 
Keyser his mate with his long boat well manned, to require 
satisfaction, who coming to the Portugal did not reason the 
case with him, nor give liim any time to consider, but presently 
boarded him, and took possession of his ship, and brought her 
up, and his men fell to rifling his ship, as if she had been a 
prize. The Portugal being brought to the magistrates, and the 
theft proved, he was ordered to make double restitution, (as 


our manner was,) and the seamen were made to restore what 
they had taken out of the ship. So the Portugal departed well 

The said Mr. James Smith with his mate Keyser were bound 
to Guinea to trade for negroes. But when they arrived there, 
they met some Londoners, with whom they consorted, and the 
Londoners having been formerly injured by the natives (or 
at least pretending the same,) they invited them aboard one 
of their ships upon the Lord's day, and such as came they 
kept prisoners, then they landed men, and a murderer, and 
assaulted one of their towns and killed many of the people, 
but the country coming down, they were forced to retire 
without any booty, divers of their men being wounded with 
the negroes' arrows, and one killed. Mr. Smith, having 
taken in wine at Madeiras, sailed to Barbados to put off his 
wine. But being engaged there, and his wife being there also 
unprovided of maintenance, and his ship and cargo bound over 
to the said Keyser his mate and others of Boston who set out 
the ship, Keyser refused to let any of the wines go on shore, 
except he might have security for the proceeds to be returned 
on ship board. So the ship lay a week in the roads, and then 
Keyser fearing that the master would use some means by other 
ships which rode there to deprive him of the cargo, told him 
plainly that if he would not come aboard, and return to Boston, 
(which was the last port they were bound to,) he would carry 
away the ship, and leave him behind, which accordingly he 
did ; and arriving at Boston about midsummer, he repaired to 
the magistrates and told them how he was come away, and 
tendered the cargo to them, who finding that it was engaged to 
himself and others, and that there would be great loss in the 
wines if they were not presently disposed, dehvered them to 
the merchants and himself, taking bond of them to be responsi- 
ble to Mr. Smith, etc. A short time after, Mr. Smith came, 
and brought his action against Keyser and the other mariners 
for bringing away the ship, and by a jury of seamen and 


merchants recovered three or four times the value of what he 
was damnified, and the mate Keyser to lose not only his wages, 
but he and the rest of the merchants to lose the proceed or 
interest agreed for their stock and adventure, which was forty 
per cent, and all the mariners to lose their wages. But divers 
of the magistrates being unsatisfied with this verdict, (per- 
ceiving that the jury in their displeasure against Keyser, etc., 
did not only regard Smith's satisfaction for his damages, but 
also the punishment of Keyser, etc.) the defendants at the next 
court brought a review, and then another jury abated much of 
the former damages ; whereupon the plaintiff Smith preferred 
a petition to the next general court. 

For the matter of the negroes, whereof two were brought 
home in the ship, and near one hundred slain by the confession 
of some of the mariners, the magistrates took order to have 
these two set at liberty, and to be sent home; but for the 
slaughter committed, they were in great doubt what to do 
in it, seeing it was in another country, and the Londoners 
pretended a just revenge. So they called the elders; and 
desired their advice.' 

Mr. Israel Stoughton, one of the magistrates, having been in 
England about merchandize, and returned with good ad- 
vantage, went for England again the last winter, with divers 
other of our best military men, and entered into the parlia- 
ment's service. Mr. Stoughton was made Heutenant colonel 
to colonel Rainsborow, Mr. Nehemiah Bourne, a ship carpenter, 
was major of his regiment, and Mr. John Leverett, son of one 
of the elders of the church of Boston, a captain of a foot com- 
pany, and one William Hudson, ensign of the same company, 
Lioll, surgeon of the Earl of Manchester's life guard. These did 
good service, and were well approved, but Mr. Stoughton 
falling sick and dying at Lincoln, the rest all returned to their 

* This compunction of the Massachusetts magistrates seems rather in advance 
of the time. The colony records for the date show their sentiment to have been 
sustained by the community. 


wives and families. But three of them went to England again 
about the end of this year, but came back again and settled 
themselves here, all save the surgeon.* 

The Narragansetts having begun war upon Uncus, the Mon- 
heagan sachem, notwithstanding their covenant to the contrary 
and divers messages sent to them from the commissioners to 
require them to forbear, until a meeting might be had, and the 
cause heard, it was thought fit by the general court in the 
third month, that though the next meeting was in course to be 
at New Haven in the beginning of September, yet in regard of 
the danger Uncus was in, and our engagement to save him 
harmless from any damage from Miantonomo his death, as 
also in regard of the distressed condition of Monsieur La Tour, 
(who earnestly petitioned the court for relief, etc.) the commis- 
sioners should be written to to meet at Boston in the 28 of the 
fifth month, which was done accordingly. The names of the 
commissioners and all their proceedings are at large set down 
in the books of their records, whereof every colony hath one. 

At this general court, which continued from 14 (3), to 5 (5),^ 
the military officers prevailed with much importunity to have 
the whole power of those affairs committed to them; which 
was thought by divers of the court to be very unfit, and not 
so safe in times of peace ; but a great part of the coiu-t being 
military officers, and others not willing to contend any further 
about it, the order passed, the inconvenience whereof appeared 
soon after, and will more in future time. 

The taking of the Bristol ship in our harbor by Captain 

* Of Stoughton, mention has already been made. John Leverett, returning 
from his English experiences, became a citizen of the first consequence, serving 
as deputy, speaker, assistant, sergeant-major-general and governor. He occu- 
pied the supreme office five years, from 1673, during which period came the terrible 
Philip's War. That was a crisis which required the heart and head of an Ironside, 
and Leverett met the situation. 

^ May 14 to July 5. The Records of Massachusetts, II. 112, for this court, 
contain an order for a rate of £610.15. It was assessed in the following propor- 
tions: Boston, £100; Ipswich, £61.10; Charlestown, £55; Salem, £45; Cam- 
bridge, £45; Dorchester, £43.17.6; Watertown, £41.5; Roxbury, £37.10; 
Lynn, £25, etc. 


Stagg occasioned much debate in the court. The deputies 
drew up a bill to give protection to all ships in our harbor, 
coming as friends. The magistrates forseeing that this might 
put us upon a necessity of fight with some parliament ships, 
(which we were very unwilHng to be engaged in,) and so 
might weaken that interest we had in the parliament, they 
refused the bill; and so divers bills passed from one to the 
other, before they could agree. At length (few of the magis- 
trates being then in the court) a bill passed to that effect, but 
not so full as was desired. But to strengthen the same, and to 
secure all ships which should come as friends into our harbor, 
commission was given to major Gibbons for Boston, and major 
Sedgwick* for Charlestown to keep the peace in the said towns, 
and not to permit any ships to fight in the harbor without 
license from authority. 

14. 5. {July 14.)] A new watch house set up on the fort hill 
at Boston was smote with lightning, and the boards and timber 
at one end of it torn in pieces, and many of the shingles of the 
covering torn off. 

25.] Monsieur La Tour having stayed here all the winter 
and thus far of the summer, and having petitioned the court 
for aid against Monsieur D'Aulnay, and finding no hope to 
obtain help that way, took shipping in one of our vessels which 
went on fishing to Newfoundland, hoping by means of Sir 
David Kirk, governor there, and some friends he might pro- 
cure in England to obtain aid from thence, intending for that 
end to go from thence to England. Sir David entertained him 
courteously, and promised to do much for him ; but no means 
of help appearing to answer his ends, he returned hither before 
winter. Sir David giving him passage in a vessel of his which 
came hither. 

* Robert Sedgwick, having spent his younger manhood in Massachusetts, in 
honorable positions, at length went to England into the ranks of Cromwell. He 
was in the force sent by the Protector to the West Indies, and died there in 1656, 
a major-general. 


Captain Bayley being returned into England, and informing 
Alderman Barkly of the proceedings here against him and Mr. 
Barkly his brother in the business of the Lady La Tom*, withal 
he carried a certificate of the proceedings of the court under 
the hands of divers persons of good credit here, who although 
they reported truth for the most part, yet not the whole 
truth, (being somewhat prejudiced in the case; they were 
called in question about it after, for the offence was great, 
and they had been censured for it, if proof could have been 
had for a legal conviction,) whereby the alderman was so in- 
censed as he attached a ship of ours being then arrived at 
London ; but being persuaded to release the ship, he attached 
two of New England, viz., Mr. Stephen Winthrop, who was 
recorder of the court when the cause was tried, and Captain 
Joseph Weld, who was one of the jury, so as they were forced 
to find sureties in a bond of 4000 pounds to answer him in the 
court of admiralty. But it pleased God to stir them up such 
friends, viz.. Sir Henry Vane, (who had sometime Hved at Bos- 
ton, and though he might have taken occasion against us for 
some dishonor which he apprehended to have been unjustly put 
upon him here, yet both now and at other times he showed 
himself a true friend to New England, and a man of a noble 
and generous mind, etc.)^ and some othere by Mr. Peter's means, 
so as (although he spared for no costs) yet he was forced to 
give over his suit in the admiralty, and then procured out of 
Chancery a ne exeat regno against them. But the cause being 
heard there, and they discharged, he petitioned the lords of the 
parliament (pretending great injuries, which he was not able to 
prove) for letters of reprisal. After he had tried all means in 
vain, he was brought at length to sit down and lose his charges, 
and they theirs. 

* An entry pleasant to read, giving proof of the magnanimity of Vane, who 
could do a service to a colony which had slighted him and cast out his friends, — 
and also of Winthrop, who could forget many occasions of offence to commend 
an old opponent. 


1. (March) 5.] Many books coming out of England, some in 
defence of anabaptism and other errors, and for liberty of con- 
science as a shelter for their toleration, etc., others in main- 
tenance of the Presbyterial government (agreed upon by the 
assembly of divines in England) against the congregational 
way, which was practised here, the elders of the churches 
through all the United Colonies agreed upon a meeting at 
Cambridge this day, where they conferred their councils and 
examined the writings which some of them had prepared in 
answer to the said books, which being agreed and perfected 
were sent over into England to be printed. The several an- 
swers were these ; Mr. Hooker in answer to Mr. Rutterf ord the 
Scotch minister about Presbyterial government, (which being 
sent in the New Haven ship was lost). While Mr. Hooker 
hved, he could not be persuaded to let another copy go over, 
but after his death, a copy was sent, and returned in print (3) 48.^ 

A sad business fell out this year in Boston. One of the 
brethren of the church there, being in England in the parhament 
service about two years, had committed the care of his family 
and business to another of the same church, (a young man of 
good esteem for piety and sincerity, but his wife was in Eng- 
land,) who in time grew over familiar with his master's wife, 
(a yoimg woman no member of the church,) so as she would 
be with him oft in his chamber, etc., and one night two of the 
servants, being up, perceived him to go up into their dame's 
chamber, which coming to the magistrates' knowledge, they 
were both sent for and examined, (but it was not discovered 
till about a quarter of a year after, her husband being then 
come home,) and confessed not only that he was in the cham- 
ber with her in such a suspicious manner, but also that he was 
in bed with her, but both denied any carnal knowledge; and 
being tried by a jury upon their Hves by our law, which makes 

* May, 1648. This was Hooker's famous Survey of the Summe of Church 
Discipline (London, 1648), the preface of which may be seen in Old South Leaflets, 
No. 55. 


adultery death, the jury acquitted them of the adultery, but 
found them guilty of adulterous behavior. This was much 
against the minds of many, both of the magistrates and elders, 
who judged them worthy of death; but the jury attending 
what was spoken by others of the magistrates, 1. that seeing 
the main evidence against them was their own confession of 
being in bed together, their whole confession must be taken, 
and not a part of it ; 2. the law requires two witnesses, but here 
was no witness at all, for although circumstances may amount 
to a testimony against the person, where the fact is evident, yet 
it is otherwise where no fact is apparent; 3. all that the evi- 
dence could evince was but suspicion of adultery, but neither 
God's law nor ours doth make suspicion of adultery (though 
never so strong) to be death; whereupon the case seeming 
doubtful to the jury, they judged it safest in case of life to find 
as they did. So the court adjudged them to stand upon the 
ladder at the place of execution with halters about their necks 
one hour, and then to be whipped, or each of them to pay 20 
pounds. The husband (although he condenmed his wife's 
immodest behavior, yet) was so confident of her innocency 
in point of adultery, as he would have paid 20 pounds rather 
than she should have been whipped; but their estate being 
but mean, she chose rather to submit to the rest of her punish- 
ment than that her husband should suffer so much for her 
folly. So he received her again, and they lived lovingly 
together. All that she had to say for herself upon her trial was 
the same which she had revealed to her husband as soon as he 
came home, before the matter had been discovered, viz. that he 
did indeed come into bed to her, which so soon as she per- 
ceived, she used the best arguments she could to dissuade him 
from so foul a sin, so as he lay still, and did not touch her, but 
went away again as he came ; and the reason why she did not 
cry out, was because he had been very faithful and helpful to 
her in her husband's absence, which made her very imwilling to 
bring him to punishment or disgrace. 


This punishment of standing upon the gallows was not so 
well approved by some of the magistrates ; because the law of 
God appoints in case of whipping, that they should not exceed 
forty stripes, and the reason given is, lest thy brother should 
seem despised in thine eyes, and why this reason should not 
hold in all cases and punishments not capital doth not appear. 

29. 8. (Odobe)' 29.)] ' The wind E. N. E. with rain, so great a 
tempest as it drave three ships upon the shore, and did very 
much harm besides in bilging boats, and breaking down wharfs ; 
and the night after for the space of two hours the tempest arose 
again at S. with more wind and rain than before. In which 
tempest one of our vessels coming from Bermuda had two men 
fetched overboard with the sea, and the vessel was in great 
danger of being foundered. 

At the general court held at Boston the first of this month, 
there was a petition preferred by divers merchants and others 
about two laws, the one forbidding the entertaining of any 
strangers above three weeks, except such as should be allowed 
by two magistrates, etc., (this was made in Mrs. Hutchinson's 
time ;) the other for banishing anabaptists, made the last year. 
The petitioners complained to the court of the offence taken 
thereat by many godly in England, and that some churches 
there did thereupon profess to deny to hold communion with 
such of our churches as should resort thither. Whereupon they 
entreated the court that they would please to take the said laws 
into further consideration, and to provide as far as they might 
for the indemnity of such of ours as were to go into England. 
Many of the court well inclined for these and other considera- 
tions to have had the execution of those laws to have been 
suspended for a season. But many of the elders, hearing of 
it, went first to the deputies and after to the magistrates, and 
laying before them what advantage it would give to the ana- 
baptists, (who began to increase very fast through the country 

1 Here, and in several subsequent places, the numeral for the month is placed 
last, contrary to the practice followed by the writer up to this point. 


here, and much more in England, where they had gathered 
divers churches and taught openly, and had published a con- 
fession 'of their faith,) entreated that the law might continue 
still in force, and the execution of it not suspended, though 
they disliked not that all lenity and patience should be used for 
convincing and reclaiming such erroneous persons. Whereupon 
the court refused to make any farther order about the petition. 
See 60 a counter petition.* 

There came hither to Boston at the same time out of Eng- 
land one Captain Partridge, who had served the parliament, 
but in the ship he broached and zealously maintained divers 
points of antinomianism and familism, for which he was called 
before the magistrates and charged with the said opinions, to 
which he refused to give any answer. But before he departed, 
he was wilUng to confer with Mr. Cotton, which accordingly he 
did, and Mr. Cotton reported to the magistrates, that he found 
him corrupt in his judgment, but ignorant of those points which 
he had maintained, so as he perceived he had been but lately 
taken with them, and that upon argument he was come off 
from some of the worst of them, and he had good hope to 
reclaim him wholly; but some of the magistrates requiring a 
present renouncing of all under his hand, he the said captain 
was not willing to that before he were clearly convinced of his 
error in them. It was moved by some of the magistrates, in 
regard he had made so hopeful a beginning, and that winter 
was now at hand, and it would be very hard to expose his wife 
and family to such hardships, etc., to permit him to stay here 
till the spring, but the major part (by one or two) voting the 
contrary, he was forced to depart, and so went to Rhode Island. 
This strictness was offensive to many, though approved of by 
others. But sure the rule of hospitahty to strangers, and of 
seeking to pluck out of the fire such as there may be hope of 
to be reduced out of error and the snare of the devil, do seem 
to require more moderation and indulgence of human in- 

* See post, p. 271. 


firmity where there appears not obstinacy against the clear 

This year about twenty f amihes (most of them of the church 
of Braintree) petitioned the comii for allowance to begin a 
plantation at the place where Gorton and his company had 
erected three or four small houses upon the land of Pumham, 
the Indian sachem by Narragansett, who had submitted him- 
self and country to this jurisdiction. The court readily granted 
their petition, promising all encouragement, etc., (for it was 
of great concernment to all the Enghsh in these parts, that a 
strong plantation should be there as a bulwark, etc. against 
the Narragansetts). But Mr. John Browne, one of the magis- 
trates of Plymouth, and then one of their commissioners for 
the United Colonies, dwelling at Rehoboth, and intending 
to drive a trade with the Indians in those parts, meeting with 
some of ours when they went to view the place and to take the 
bounds of it, forbade them in the name of the government of 
Plymouth to proceed in the said plantation, telling them that it 
belonged to Plymouth, and that it should be restored to the 
right owners, (meaning Gorton and his company). WTiereupon 
the planters (not willing to run any hazard of contention for 
place in a country where there was room enough) gave over 
their purpose, and disposed themselves otherwise; some re- 
moved more southward, and others staid where they were. 
This practice of Mr. Browne being complained of to the gov- 
ernor of the Massachusetts, Mr. Dudley, he informed the magis- 
trates of Plymouth thereof by letter, who returned answer, that 
Mr. Browne had no order from their court to forbid the pro- 
ceedings, etc., for they should have been glad to have had the 
place planted by us, though the right of it were (as they con- 
ceived) in themselves, and for that end referred themselves to 
an order of the commissioners, wherein Uberty is given to the 
Massachusetts to take course with Gorton and the lands they 
had possessed, etc., and therein is a proviso, that it should not 
prejudice the right of Plymouth, etc. But they took not the 


rest of the order, wherein it follows, that all such lands of 
English or Indians, as had submitted themselves to the govern- 
ment of the Massachusetts, should not be comprised in that 
proviso. Now this land where the plantation should have 
been erected was part of Pumham's land. And our general 
court wrote to the governor and council of Plymouth to the 
same effect, with desire to have their further answer about the 
same, and for satisfaction about Mr. Browne's carriage herein. 
The governor and three magistrates returned answer, that Mr. 
Browne had commission in general to forbid any to plant upon 
their jurisdiction within the Narragansett river without their 
leave, which, if any of ours would seek, they might have. But 
the case being after put to the commissioners for explanation of 
their said order, they resolved for the Massachusetts. 

8. (October.)] A church was gathered at Haverhill upon the 
north side of Merrimack, and Mr. John Ward chosen and or- 
dained pastor. About the same time a church was also gath- 
ered at Andover upon the south side of Merrimack, and Mr. 
Woodbridge ordained pastor.^ 

5. 9. (November 5.)] A church was gathered at Reading, and 
Mr. Greene ordained pastor. He was a very godly man, and 
died (8) (October) 48. 

The village at Jeffry's creek was named Manchester, and the 
people there (not being yet in church state) had procured Mr. 
Smith (sometimes pastor of the church of Plymouth) to preach 
to them. 

At the last general court it was ordered, that divers farmers 
belonging to Ipswich and Salem (but so far distant from either 
town as they could not duly repair to the public ordinances 
there) should erect a village and have liberty to gather a church. 
This was much opposed by those of the town of Ipswich, plead- 

* John Woodbridge was a son-in-law of Governor Dudley. After a term 
at Andover, he returned to England, becoming there minister at Andover in 
Wiltshire. Driven thence in 1662, in the general expulsion of the non-conformists, 
he came back to America. 


ing their interest in the land, etc. But it was answered, that, 
when the land was granted to the town, it was not intended only 
for the benefit of the near inhabitants, or for the maintenance 
of the officers of that one church only, but of all the inhabitants 
and of any other church which should be there gathered ; and 
a principal motive which led the court to grant them and 
other towns such vast bounds was, that (when the towns 
should be increased by their children and servants growing up, 
etc.) they might have place to erect villages, where they might 
be planted, and so the land improved to the more common 

15. 10. {December 15.)] There appeared about noon, upon 
the north side of the sun, a great part of a circle Hke a rainbow, 
with the horns reversed, and upon each side of the sun, east and 
west, a bright light. And about a month after were seen three 
suns, about the sun-setting ; and about a month after that two 
suns at sim-rising, the one continued close to the horizon, while 
the other (which was the true sun) arose about half an hour. 
This was the earUest and sharpest winter we had since we ar- 
rived in the country, and it was as vehement cold to the south- 
ward as here. Divers of our ships were put from their anchors 
with the ice and driven on shore 25 (10) (December 25), and one 
ketch carried out to sea, and wrecked upon Lo veil's Island. 
At New Haven a ship bound for England was forced to be cut 
out of the ice three miles. And in Virginia the ships were 
frozen up six weeks. 


At Ipswich there was a calf brought forth with one head, 
and three mouths, three noses, and six eyes. What these prodi- 
gies portended the Lord only knows, which in his due time he 
will manifest. 

There was beside so sudden a thaw in the spring, (the snow 
l3ang very deep,) and much rain withal, that it bare down the 
bridge at Hartford upon Connecticut, and brake down divers 
mills to the southward about New Haven, and did much other 

This winter also the Swedes' fort upon Delaware river and 
all the buildings in it were burnt down, and all their powder 
and goods blown up. It happened in the night, through the 
negligence of a servant who fell on sleep leaving a candle burn- 
ing. Some houses at Hartford, and a bam with corn, were 
burnt also ; and two houses at Hingham in the Massachusetts. 

1646. 26. (1.) (March 26.)] The governor and council met 
at Boston to take order about a rescue which they were in- 
formed of to have been committed at Hingham upon the mar- 
shal, when he went to levy the fines imposed upon Mr. Hubberd 
their pastor and many others who joined with him in the 
petition against the magistrates, etc., and having taken the in- 
formation of the marshal and others, they sent out summons 
for their appearance at another day, at which time Mr. Hub- 
berd came not, nor sent any excuse, though it was proved that 
he was at home, and that the summons was left at his house. 
Whereupon he was sent for by attachment directed to the 
constable, who brought him at the day of the return. And 
being then charged with joining in the said rescue by animat- 



ing the offenders, and discouraging the officer, questioning the 
authority of his warrant because it was not in the king's name, 
and standing upon his allegiance to the crown of England, and 
exemption from such laws as were not agreeable to the laws of 
England, saying to the marshal that he could never know 
wherefore he was fined, except it were for petitioning, and if 
they were so waspish that they might not be petitioned, he 
knew not what to say to it, etc. All the answer he would give 
was, that if he had broken any wholesome law not repugnant 
to the laws of England, he was ready to submit to censure. 
So he was bound over to the next court of assistants. 

The court being at Boston, Mr. Hubberd appeared, and the 
marshal's information and other concurrent testimony being 
read to him, and his answer demanded, he desired to know in 
what state he stood, and what offence he should be charged 
with, or what wholesome law of the land, not repugnant to the 
law of England, he had broken. The court told him, that the 
matters he was charged with amounted to a seditious practice 
and derogation and contempt of authority. He still pressed to 
know what law, etc. He was told that the oath which he had 
taken was a law to him; and beside the law of God which we 
were to judge by in case of a defect of an express law. He 
said that the law of God admitted various interpretations, etc. 
Then he desired to see his accusers. Upon that the marshal 
was called, who justified his information. Then he desired to 
be tried by a jury, and to have the witnesses produced viva 
voce. The secretary told him that two were present, and the 
third was sworn to his examination, (but in that he was mis- 
taken, for he had not been sworn,) but to satisfy him, he was 
sent for and sworn in court. The matters testified against him 
were his speeches to the marshal before thirty persons, against 
our authority and government, etc. 1. That we were but as a 
corporation in England; 2. That by our patent (as he under- 
stood it) we could not put any man to death, nor do divers 
other things which we did; 3. That he knew not wherefore 


the general court had fined them, except it were for petition- 
ing, and if they were so waspish (or captious) as they might 
not be petitioned, etc., and other speeches tending to disparage 
our authority and proceedings. Accordingly a bill was drawn 
up, etc., and the jury found that he seemed to be ill affected 
to this government, and that his speeches tended to sedition 
and contempt of authority. Whereupon the whole court 
(except Mr. Belhngham, who judged him to deserve no censure, 
and desired in open court to have his dissent recorded) ad- 
judged him to pay 20 pounds fine, and to be bound to his 
good behavior, till the next court of assistants, and then farther 
if the court should see cause. At this sentence his spirit rose, 
and he would know what the good behavior was, and desired 
the names of the jury, and a copy of all the proceedings, which 
was granted him, and so he was dismissed at present. 

The contention continuing between Mr. Cleves, deputy pres- 
ident of Ligonia* for Mr. Rigby, and Mr. Jocelin and other 
commissioners of Sir Ferdinando Gorge, they both wrote letters 
to the governor and council of the Massachusetts, complaining 
of injuries from each other, and Mr. Cleves desiring aid for 
his defence against open force threatened by the other part; 
the governor and magistrates returned answer to them several- 
ly, to this effect, to persuade them both to continue in peace, 
and to forbear all violent courses until some London ships 
should arrive here, by which it was expected that order would 
come from the commissioners for the colonies, etc., to settle 
their differences. These letters prevailed so far with them, as 
they agreed to refer the cause to the determination of the court 
of assistants at Boston, which was to be held 3 (4) (June 3), 
next. For Mr. Rigby came Mr. Cleves and Mr. Tucker; for the 
province of Maine came Mr. Jocelin and Mr. Roberts. The 
court appointed them a day for hearing their cause, and caused 
a special jury to be empannelled. Mr. Cleves was plaintiff, 
and dehvered in a declaration in writing. The defendants 
* This was the Plough Patent, often referred to. 


(though they had a copy thereof before) pleaded to it by word 
only. Some of the magistrates advised not to intermeddle in 
it, seeing it was not within our jurisdiction, and that the agents 
had no commission to bind the interest of the gentlemen in 
England. Others (and the most) thought fit to give them a 
trial, both for that it was a usual practice in Europe for two 
states being at odds to make a third judge between them, and 
though the principal parties could not be bound by any sentence 
of this court, (for having no jurisdiction, we had no coercion, 
and therefore whatever we should conclude was but advice,) 
yet it might settle peace for the present, etc. Upon a full hear- 
ing, both parties failed in their proof. The plaintiff could not 
prove the place in question to be within his patent, nor could 
derive a good title of the patent itself to Mr. Rigby, (there 
being six or eight patentees, and the assignment only from two 
of them). Also the defendant had no patent of the province, 
but only a copy thereof attested by witnesses, which was not 
pleadable in law. ^Vhich so perplexed the jury, as they could 
find for neither, but gave in a non liquet. And because the 
parties would have it tried by a jury, the magistrates forbore to 
deal any further in it. Only they pereuaded the parties to live 
in peace, etc., till the matter might be determined by authority 
out of England. 

This spring was more early and seasonable than many be- 
fore it, yet many were taken with a malignant fever, whereof 
some died in five or six days, but if they escaped the eighth they 
recovered ; and divers of the churches sought the Lord by public 
humiliation, and the Lord was entreated, so as about the mid- 
dle of the third month it ceased. It swept away some precious 
ones amongst us, especially one Mr. John OHver, a gracious 
young man, not full thirty years of age, an expert soldier, an 
excellent surveyor of land, and one who, for the sweetness of 
his disposition and usefulness through a pubhc spirit, was 
generally beloved, and greatly lamented. For some few years 
past he had given up himself to the ministry of the gospel, and 


was become very hopeful that way, (being a good scholar and of 
able gifts otherwise, and had exercised pubHcly for two years). 

There fell out also a loathsome disease at Boston, which 
raised a scandal upon the town and country, though without 
just cause. One of the town [blank] having gone cooper in a 
ship into [blank], at his return his wife was infected with lues 
venerea, which appeared thus: being delivered of a child, 
and nothing then appearing, but the midwife, a skilful woman, 
finding her body as sound as any other, after her dehvery, 
she had a sore breast, whereupon divers neighbors resorting to 
her, some of them drew her breast, and others suffered their 
children to draw her, and others let her child suck them, (no 
such disease being suspected by any,) by occasion whereof 
about sixteen persons, men, women, and children, were 
infected, whereby it came at length to be discovered by such 
in the town as had skill in physic and surgery, but there was 
not any in the country who had been practised in that cure. 
But (see the good providence of God) at that very season there 
came by accident a young surgeon out of the West Indies, who 
had had experience of the right way of the cure of that disease. 
He took them in hand, and through the Lord's blessing recov- 
ered them all [blank] in a short time. And it was observed 
that although many did eat and drink and lodge in bed with 
those who were infected and had sores, etc., yet none took it of 
them, but by copulation or sucking. It was very doubtful how 
this disease came at first. The magistrates examined the hus- 
band and wife, but could find no dishonesty in either, nor 
any probable occasion how they should take it by any other, 
(and the husband was found to be free of it). So as it was 
concluded by some, that the woman was infected by the mix- 
ture of so many spirits of men and women as drew her breast, 
(for thence it began). But this is a question to be decided by 

6. 3. {May 6.)] The court of elections was at Boston. Mr. 
Norcis of Salem preached. Mr. Winthrop was chosen governor, 


Mr. Dudley, (the last governor,) deputy governor, Mr. Ende- 
cott, Serjeant major general, and he and Mr. Pelham, com- 
missioners for the United Colonies. The magistrates and 
deputies had formerly chosen the commissioners, but the free- 
men, looking at them as general officers, would now choose them 
themselves, and the rather because some of the deputies had 
formerly been chosen to that office, which gave offence to our 
confederates and to many among ourselves. This court lasted 
near three weeks, and was carried on with much peace and 
good correspondency ; and when the business was near ended, 
the magistrates and deputies met, and concluded what re- 
mained, and so departed in much love. The several com- 
mittees for laws made return of their commissions, and brought 
in many laws which were. read over, and some of them scanned, 
but finding much difficulty in digesting and agreeing them, and 
the court having much other business, another committee was 
chosen out of several parts of the jurisdiction in the vacancy of 
the court, which was adjourned to 7 (8,) (October 7), to extract 
out of the whole such as should be thought fit to be established, 
and so to reduce them into one volume, to agree with such as 
were already in force, etc. 

The last year the court had imposed ten shillings upon 
every butt of sack, etc., to be landed in our jurisdiction, and 
this spring there came in four ships with sack, and landed 
about 800 butts, but the merchants being much offended at the 
impost, (having no intelligence of it before, for indeed there had 
not been a due course taken to give notice thereof to foreign 
parts,) after much debate, etc., the court remitted the one half 
thereof for the present. See after, four leaves. 

Captain Bridges was sent by the commissioners the last year 
to Monsieur D'Aulnay with the articles of peace ratified by 
them, and with order to demand his confirmation of them 
under his hand, wherein also was expressed our readiness that 
all injuries, etc., of either part might be heard and composed in 
due time and place, and the peace to be kept at the same time, 


so as he would subscribe the same. Monsieur D'Aulnay enter- 
tained our messenger with all state and courtesy that he possi- 
bly could ; but refused to subscribe the articles, until differences 
were composed, and accordingly wrote back, that he perceived 
our drift was to gain time, etc., whereas if our messenger had 
been furnished with power to have treated with him, and con- 
clude about the differences, he doubted not but all had been 
agreed ; for we should find, that it was more his honor which 
he stood upon, than his benefit, therefore he would sit still till 
the spring, expecting our answer herein, and would attempt 
nothing against us until he heard from us. 

The general court, taking this answer into consideration, 
(and there not being opportunity for the commissioners to 
meet in season, only they had been certified by letters of 
Monsieur D'Auhiay's propositions, etc., and consented to a 
course for hearing, etc.,) agreed to send the deputy governor, 
Mr. Dudley, Mr. Hawthorne, and Major Denison,* with full 
power to treat and determine, etc., and wrote a letter to him to 
that end, (assenting to his desire for the place, viz. Penobscot 
which they call Pentagoet) and referring the time also to him, 
so it were in September. Some thought it would be dishonor- 
able for us to go to him, and therefore would have had the 
place to have been Pemaquid. But others were of a different 
judgment, 1. for that he was lieutenant general to a great 
prince; 2. being a man of a generous disposition, and valuing 
his reputation above his profit, it was considered, that it would 
be much to our advantage to treat with him in his own house. 
This being agreed, a private committee was chosen to draw up 
instructions, which were not to be imparted to the court, in 
regard of secresy, (for we had found that D'Aulnay had intelli- 
gence of all our proceedings,) and the same committee had 
orders to provide all things for the commissioners' voyage, and 

* Daniel Dennison attained later to great distinctions, serving many years 
as assistant and sergeant-major-general commanding the troops. He died in 


to draw up their commission, etc., and it was ordered, that if 
the deputy governor (in regard of his age, being above 70) 
should not be fit for the voyage, then Mr. Bradstreet should 
supply his place. 

One Mr. William Vassall, sometimes one of the assistants of 
the Massachusetts, but now of Scituate in Plymouth juris- 
diction, a man of a busy and factious spirit, and always op- 
posite to the civil governments of this country and the way 
of our churches, had practised with such as were not members 
of our churches to take some coiu'se, first by petitioning the 
courts of the Massachusetts and of Plymouth, and (if that suc- 
ceeded not) then to the parliament of England, that the distinc- 
tions which were maintained here, both in civil and church 
estate, might be taken away, and that we might be wholly 
governed by the laws of England; and accordingly a petition 
was drawn up to the parliament, pretending that they being 
freeborn subjects of England, were denied the Uberty of sub- 
jects, both in church and commonwealth, themselves and their 
children debarred from the seals of the covenant, except they 
would submit to such a way of entrance and church covenant, 
as their consciences could not admit, and take such a civil oath 
as would not stand with their oath of allegiance, or else they 
must be deprived of all power and interest in civil affairs, and 
were subjected to an arbitrary government and extrajudicial 
proceedings, etc. And now at this court at Boston a peti- 
tion to the same effect, much enlarged, was delivered in 
to the deputies under the hands of Doctor Childe, Mr. Thomas 
Fowle, Mr. Samuel Maverick, Mr. Thomas Burton, Mr. John 
Smith, Mr. David Yale, and Mr. John Dand, in the name of 
themselves and many others in the coimtry, whereto they 
pressed to have present answer. But the court being then 
near at an end, and the matter being very weighty, they re- 
ferred the further consideration thereof to the next session. 
And whereas a law was drawn up, and ready to pass, for 
allowing non-freemen equal power with the freemen in all town 


affairs, and to some freemen of such estate, etc., their votes in 
election of magistrates, it was thought fit to defer this also to 
the next session/ 

4. (June.)] The Narragansetts having broken their cove- 
nants with us in three days of payment, so as there was now 
due to us above 1300 fathom of wampom, they now sent us to 
Boston to the value of 100 fathom, (the most in old kettles,) ex- 
cusing themselves by their poverty and by the Nianticks and 
others failing to contribute their parts. But the commissioners 
(who were then two of them at Boston) refused to accept so 
small a sum, and rebuking them sharply for breaking their 
covenants both in their payments [and] other acts, told them 
that if they were forced to fetch the rest, they could as well 
fetch this. So they sold their kettles to a brazier in Boston, 
and left the pay in his hands for us, if we would accept it, 
when they should bring the rest. 

One Captain Cromwell (about ten years since a common 
seaman in the Massachusetts) had been out with Captain 
Jackson in a man of war by commission from the Earl of War- 
wick divers years, and having a commission of deputation from 
his said captain, had taken four or five Spanish vessels, and in 
some of them great riches, and being bound hither with three 
ships, and about eighty men, (they were frigates of cedar wood 
of about sixty and eighty tons,) by a strong northwest wind 
they were forced into Plymouth, (divine providence so directing 
for the comfort and help of that town, which was now almost 
deserted,) where they continued about fourteen days or more, 
and spent hberally and gave freely to many of the poorer sort.^ 
It fell out, while they were there, that a desperate drunken 
fellow, one Voysye, (who had been in continual quarrels all the 
voyage,) on being reproved by his captain, offered to draw his 

* An effort for freedom, brave and well-justified. The theocracy gave abun- 
dant occasion for such a petition. Several of the men who presented it we know 
to have been most respectable. 

^ The episode is narrated by Bradford, on almost the last page of his history. 


rapier at him, whereupon the captain took it from him, and 
giving him some blows with it, as it was in the scabbard, he 
threw it away; Voysye gate it again, and came up to his 
captain, who taking it from him again, and throwing it away, 
when he could not make him to leave his weapon, nor forbear 
his insolent behavior, he gave him a blow on the forehead with 
the hilt of it, which made a small wound, which the captain 
would presently to have been searched and dressed, but Voysye 
refused, and the next day went into the field to fight with 
another of his fellows, but their weapons being taken from 
them, no hurt was done; and the next day after, his wound 
putrifying immediately, he died. It was then the general court 
at Plymouth, and a jury being empannelled, they found 
that he died of the wound received from the captain, where- 
upon the captain was sent for on shore. He offered to put 
himself upon trial, so as he might not be imprisoned, and 
that he might be tried by a council of war, both which were 
granted him, and one of Plymouth, one of their chief men, but 
no magistrate, undertook for him, body for body, and some of 
the magistrates and other military officers were chosen a coun- 
cil of war, who, upon the evidence, and sight of his commission, 
by which he had power of martial law, etc., acquitted him. 
The trained band accompanied the body to the gi-ave, and the 
captain gave every one of them an eln of black taffeta for a 
mourning robe. After this he came 10 (4,) {June 10) with his 
three ships to Boston, and presented the governor with a 
sedan, which (as he said) was sent by the viceroy of Mex- 
ico to his sister. It was a very fair one, and could not be 
less worth than 50 pounds. He and all his men had much 
money, and great store of plate and jewels of great value; 
yet he took up his lodging in a poor thatched house, and 
when he was offered the best in the town, his answer was, 
that in his mean estate that poor man entertained him, 
when others would not, and therefore he would not leave 
him now, when he might do him good. He was ripped out 


of his mother's belly, and never sucked, nor saw father nor 
mother, nor they him. 

At the last general court a bill was presented by some of the 
elders for a synod to be held in the end of the summer. The 
magistrates passed it, but the deputies sending some of them- 
selves to confer with the magistrates about it, their objections 
were these, first, because therein civil authority did require the 
churches to send their messengers to it, and divers among them 
were not satisfied of any such power given by Christ to the civil 
magistrate over the churches in such cases ; secondly, whereas 
the main end of the synod was propounded to be, an agreement 
upon one uniform practice in all the churches, the same to be 
commended to the general court, etc., this seemed to give 
power either to the synod or the court to compel the churches 
to practise what should so be established. To these it was 
answered, 1. that the civil magistrate had power upon just 
occasion to require the churches to send their messengers 
to advise in such ecclesiastical matters, either of doctrine or 
discipline, as the magistrate was bound by God to maintain 
the churches in purity and truth in (which was assented unto ;) 
2. that the end of the synod was not to proceed by way of 
power, but only of counsel from the word of God, and the 
court was at liberty either to establish or disannul such agree- 
ment of the synod, as they should see cause, which could put no 
more power into the court's hands than it had by the word 
of God and our own Laws and Liberties established in that 
case. Whereupon it was ordered, that howsoever the civil 
magistrate had authority to call a synod when they saw it 
needful, yet in tender respect of such as were not yet fully 
satisfied in that point, the ensuing synod should be convened 
by way of motion only to the churches, and not by any words 
of command.^ .... 

A petition was presented to the court imder many hands for 
the continuance of the two laws against anabaptists and other 

1 The careful avoidance of the Presbyterian way will be noticed here. 


heretics, which was done in reference to a petition presented 
at the former court concerning the same laws/ 

A plantation was this year begun at Pequod river by Mr. 
John Winthrop, junr., Mr. Thomas Peter, a minister, (brother 
to Mr. Peter of Salem,) and this court power was given to 
them two for ordering and governing the plantation till further 
order, etc., although it was uncertain whether it would fall 
within our jurisdiction or not, because they of Connecticut 
challenged it by virtue of a patent from the king, which was 
never showed us, so it was done de bene esse, quousque, etc., 
for it mattered not much to which jurisdiction it did belong, 
seeing the confederation made all as one ; but it was of great 
concernment to have it planted, to be a curb to the Indians, 

Monsieur La Tour being retmned from Newfoundland in a 
pinnace of Sir David Kirk, was (by some merchants of Boston) 
set forth in the same pinnace to the eastward with trading 
commodities to the value of 400 pounds. When he came at 
Cape Sable, (which was in the heart of winter,) he conspired 
with the master (being a stranger) and his own Frenchmen, 
being five, to go away with the vessel, and so forced out the 
other five Enghsh, (himself shooting one of them in the face 
with a pistol,) who, through special providence, having wan- 
dered up and down fifteen days, found some Indians who gave 
them a shallop, and victuals, and an Indian pilot. So they 
arrived safe at Boston in the third month. Whereby it ap- 
peared (as the scripture saith) that there is no confidence in an 
unfaithful or carnal man. Though tied with many strong 
bonds of courtesy, etc., he turned pirate, etc. 

Mr. Lamberton, Mr. Grigson, and divers other godly per- 
sons, men and women, went from New Haven in the eleventh 
month last (Janiuiry) in a ship of 80 tons, laden with wheat for 

* A petition of a nature contrary to that mentioned a few pages back, and 
one which had more favor with the court. The Records of Massachusetts, II. 141, 
record a sharp rebuff to the liberals from the General Court. 


London ; but the ship was never heard of after. The loss was 
very great, to the value of some 1000 pounds ; but the loss of 
the persons was very deplorable. 

Monsieur D'Aulnay, having received our letter, returned an- 
swer, that he saw now that we seriously desired peace, which 
he (for his part) did also, and that he accounted himself so 
highly honored, that we would send such principal men of ours 
home to liim, etc., that he desired this favor of us, that he might 
spare us that labor, for which purpose he would send two 
or three of his to us to Boston about the end of August, to 
treat and determine, etc. Upon receipt of this letter, the 
governor thought it expedient to call the general court (if it 
were but for one day) to have considered of commissioners to 
treat with his here, for he conceived that those who were invited 
to treat at Penobscot had not power to treat at home, and be- 
sides the court had declared their mind not to have chosen all 
these three, if they had been to have treated at home. But 
some other of the magistrates differing, he deferred it, and the 
harvest coming on, it was thought better to let it alone. 

One Smith of Watertown had a son about five years old, 
who fell into the river near the mill gate, and was carried 
by the stream under the wheel, and taken up on the other 
side, without any harm. One of the boards of the wheel 
was fallen off, and it seems (by special providence) he was 
carried through under that gap, for otherwise if an eel pass 
through, it is cut asunder. The miller perceived his wheel to 
check on the sudden, which made him look out, and so he 
found the child sitting up to the waist in the shallow water 
beneath the mill. 

5. (July.)] Three of our elders, viz., Mr. Mather, Mr. Allen 
and Mr. Eliot, took with them an interpreter, and went to the 
place where Cutshamekin, the Indian sachem [blank]. 

A daughter of Mrs. Hutchinson was carried away by the 
Indians near the Dutch, when her mother and others were 
killed by them ; and upon the peace concluded between the 


Dutch and the same Indians, she was returned to the Dutch 
governor, who restored her to her friends here. She was about 
eight years old, when she was taken, and continued with them 
about four years, and she had forgot her own language, and all 
her friends, and was loath to have come from the Indians/ 

Great harm was done in corn (especially wheat and barley) 
in this month by a caterpillar, like a black worm about an inch 
and a half long. They eat up first the blades of the stalk, then 
they eat up the tassels, whereupon the ear withered. It was 
believed by divers good observers, that they fell in a great 
thunder shower, for divers yards and other bare places, where 
not one of them was to be seen an hour before, were presently 
after the shower almost covered with them, besides grass 
places where they were not so easily discerned. They did the 
most harm in the southern parts, as Rhode Island, etc., and in 
the eastern parts in their Indian corn. In divers places the 
churches kept a day of humiliation, and presently after the 
caterpillars vanished away.^ 

The court had made an order in (8) (October) last, for ten 
shillings to be paid upon every butt of Spanish wine landed, etc., 
and now this spring arrived divers Enghsh ships, which brought 
about 800 butts ; but having lost much by leakage, and coming 
to a bad market, they were very unwilling to pay the impost, 
and refused to give in an invoice of such wines as they had 
landed, whereupon they were forfeited by the order. But upon 
their petition the general court remitted the forfeitm-e and half 
the impost, (in regard the order was made so lately as they could 
not have notice of it in those parts from whence the wines 
came,) but this notwithstanding, they would not submit to the 
order, so as the auditor who had the charge of receiving the 
said impost was forced to break open the cellar doors where 
their wines lay, and took out of the best wines for the impost, 

* She became reconciled, married in 1651 John Cole, and left descendants. 

' To one who examines the manuscript, the success of the transcription here 

will seem remarkable. No page better illustrates Savage's painstaking accuracy. 


which by the order he might do. But this also they took as a 
great injury, because their best wines being gone, the sale of 
the rest was much hindered, and they threatened to get recom- 
pense some other way. 

The merchants of New Haven had purchased some land of 
the Indians about thirty miles to the northwest of them upon 
Pautucket river, and had set up a trading house.* The Dutch 
governor made a protest against it, and sent it to Mr. Eaton, 
claiming the place to be theirs, and within ten Dutch miles of 
Fort Orange. Mr. Eaton answered the protest, acknowledging 
no right in the Dutch, but alleging their purchase and offering 
to refer the cause, etc. The Dutch governor by letter com- 
plained of it to the governor of Massachusetts, and also of Mr. 
Whiting for saying that the English were fools in suffering 
the Dutch in the centre, etc. The governor of Massachusetts 
informed Mr. Eaton hereof, (the commissioners being then to 
meet at New Haven,) and tendered it to their consideration, 
if it would not be expedient to call Mr. Whiting (then a magis- 
trate at Hartford) to give account of these speeches, seeing the 
Dutch would expect satisfaction, etc. 

Wlien the time of the synod drew near, it was propounded 
to the churches. The order was sent to the churches within 
this jurisdiction; and to the churches in other jurisdictions a 
letter was sent withal. 

All the churches in this jurisdiction sent their messengers, 
except Boston, Salem, Hingham, Concord [blank]. Concord 
would have sent, if their elder had been able to come, or if 
they had had any other whom they had judged fit, etc. Bos- 
ton and Salem took offence at the order of court, 1. Because 
by a grant in the Liberties the elders had liberty to assemble 
without the compliance of the civil authority, 2. It was 
reported, that this motion came originally from some of the 
elders, and not from the com-t, 3. In the order was expressed, 
that what the major part of the assembly should agree upon 

^ Probably at the junction of the Naugatuck with the Housatonic. 


should be presented to the court, that they might give such 
allowance to it as should be meet, hence was inferred that this 
synod was appointed by the elders, to the intent to make ecclesi- 
astical laws to bind the churches, and to have the sanction of 
the civil authority put upon them, whereby men should be 
forced under penalty to submit to them, whereupon they con- 
cluded that they should betray the liberty of the churches, if 
they should consent to such a synod. The principal men who 
raised these objections were some of Boston, who came lately 
from England, where such a vast liberty was allowed, and 
sought for by all that went under the name of Independents, 
not only the anabaptists, antinomians, famihsts, seekers, etc., 
but even the most godly and orthodox, as Mr. Goodwin, Mr. 
Nye, Mr. Burrows, etc., who in the assembly there had stood 
in opposition to the presbytery, and also the greater part of the 
house of commons, who by their commissioners had sent order 
to all English plantations in the West Indies and Summers 
Islands, that all men should enjoy their Hberty of conscience, 
and had by letters intimated the same to us. To these did 
some others of the church of Boston adhere, but not above 
thirty or forty in all.* 

1. To the particular objections, it was thus answered, 
viz., to the first, that that liberty was granted only for a 
help in case of extremity, if, in time to come, the civil authority 
should either grow opposite to the churches, or neglect the 
care of them, and not with any intent to practise the same, 
while the civil authority were nursing fathers to the churches. 
For the second, that it was not for the churches to inquire, 
what or who gave the court occasion to call the synod, but if 
they thought fit to desire the chm-ches to afford them help of 
council in any matters which concerned religion and conscience, 
it was the churches' duty to yield it to them; for so far as it 
concerns their command or request it is an ordinance of man, 

1 The tolerant spirit of their brethren in England, the Independents, was 
becoming a trial to the New Englanders. 


which we are to submit unto for the Lord's sake, without troub- 
ling ourselves with the occasion or success. Ex malis moribus 
bonae leges: the laws are not the worse by being occasioned 
by evil men and evil manners. 3. Where the order speaks of 
the major part of the assembly, it speaks in its own language, 
and according to the court's practice, where the act of the 
major part is the act of the court ; but it never intended thereby 
to restrain or direct the synod in the manner of their proceed- 
ing, nor to hinder them but that they might first acquaint the 
churches with their conclusions, and have their assent to them 
before they did present them to the court, for that is their care ; 
the court's care was only to provide for their own cognizance. 
And for that inference which is drawn from that clause, that 
the court might give them such allowance as should be meet, 
it is without rule, and against the rule of charity, to infer from 
thence any such sanction of the court as is supposed. For if 
they say only they will give them such allowance as is meet, it 
cannot be inferred, that they will put any such sanction or 
stamp of authority upon them, as should be unmeet. 

Two Lord's days the agitation was in Boston, and no con- 
clusion made, by reason of the opposite party. So the elders 
sate down much grieved in spirit, yet told the congregation, 
that they thought it their duty to go notwithstanding, not as 
sent by the church, but as specially called by the order of 

The assembly or synod being met at Cambridge, 1 (7) 
(September 1), they wrote letters to the elders and brethren of 
the church of Boston, inviting them and pressing them also by 
arguments to send their elders and other messengers. Upon 
this, the ruling elders, being at home, assembled so many of the 
church, as they could upon the sudden, but the greater part 
being from home, and divers of those who were met still oppos- 
ing, nothing could be done. 

The next day was Boston lecture, to which most of the 
synod repaired, and Mr. Norton, teacher of the church of Ips- 


wich, being procured to supply the place, took his text suitable 
to the occasion, viz., of Moses and Aaron meeting in the 
mount and kissing each other, where he laid down the nature 
and power of the synod, as only consultative, decisive, and 
declarative, not coactive, etc. He showed also the power of 
the civil magistrate in calling such assemblies, and the duty of 
the churches in yielding obedience to the same. He showed 
also the great offence and scandal which would be given in 
refusing, etc. The next Lord's day the matter was moved 
again, in three propositions; 1. Whether the church would 
hold communion with the other churches, etc., and desired 
them to express it by holding up their hands, which most 
of the church did, but some of the opposite party resisted and 
gave this reason, that though they did assent to the proposition, 
yet they could not vote it, because they knew not what would 
be inferred upon it ; upon this the second proposition was men- 
tioned, viz., whether they would exercise this commimion in 
sending messengers to the synod, and if not, then the third 
proposition was, whether the church would then go themselves. 

Exception was taken at this way of doing a church act by 
the major part, which had not been our practice in former times. 
To this it w^as answered, that in some cases (as the choice of 
officers, etc.) it is needful to have every man's consent but in 
other cases, as admission of a member, etc., it was sufficient, 
if the major part assented; and for this practice of proceeding 
by erection of hands that in [2] Cor. [viii. 19] was alleged, 
where the Greek word %€tpo[Tow?^et9] signifies the same. And in 
the present case, it was necessary, because the order of court, 
and the letters of the synod to us, required (both in duty 
and civility) that the church should return answer, which the 
minor part could not do, therefore the major part (of necessity) 

Then it was moved by some, that the third proposition might 
rather be intended and the church agree to go to the synod, 
rather than to send. To this it was answered, 1. That it 


would not be convenient nor of good report, to go in a singu- 
lar way; 2. It would savor of disorder and tumult ; 3. It might 
produce an impossibility, for if one man's conscience should 
bind him to attend, so might another man's, and then as well 
might every man's, and if all (or but the major part of our 
church) should go thither, it were almost impossible any busi- 
ness could proceed in due order. In the end it was agreed by 
vote of the major part, that the elders and three of the brethren 
should be sent as messengers, etc. 

The sjmod brake up and was adjourned to 8 (4) (June 8), 
having continued but about fourteen days, in regard of winter 
drawing on, and few of the elders of other colonies were present. 

Gorton and two others of his company, viz., John Greene 
and Randall Holden, going into England, complained to the 
commissioners for Plantations, etc., against us, etc., who gave 
order, that some of ours then in England should be summoned 
to answer their petition ; whereupon some appeared, but they 
having no instructions about the case, and the writings sent 
over to Mr. Welde the year before being either lost or forgotten, 
so as a full answer could not be given in the particular, and the 
petitioners being favored by some of the commissioners, partly 
for private respects, and partly for their adhering to some of 
their corrupt tenets, and generally out of their dislike of us for 
our late law for banishing anabaptists, they seemed to be 
much offended with us for our rigorous proceeding (as they 
called it) against them, and thereupon (without sending to us 
to hear our answer, etc.) they gave them this order following: — 

By the governor in chief Lord high admiral and- commis- 
sioners appointed by parliament for the English plantations 
in America. 

Whereas we have thought fit to give an order for Mr. Samuel 
Gorton, Mr. Randall Holden, Mr. John Greene, and others, 
late inhabitants of a tract of land called the Narragansett Bay, 
near the Massachusetts Bay in New England, to return with 
freedom to the said tract of land, and there to inhabit and 


abide without interruption, these are therefore to pray and 
require you, and all others whom this may concern, to permit 
and suffer the said Samuel Gorton, etc., with their company, 
goods and necessaries carried with them out of England, to 
land at any port in New England, where the ship wherein 
they do embark themselves shall arrive, and from thence to 
pass, without any of your lets or molestations, through any 
part of the continent of America, within your jurisdiction, to 
the said tract of land called Narragansett Bay, or any part 
thereof, they carrying themselves without offence, and paying 
according to the custom of the country, and their contract, 
for all things they shall make use of in their way, for victuals, 
carriage, or other accommodation. Hereof you may not 
fail ; and this shall be your warrant. Dated at Westminster 
this 15 of May. 
To the governor and assistants of Nottingham, 

the English plantation in the Massachu- Fra. Dacre, 

setts Bay in New England, and to all Fer. Rigby, 

other governors and other inhabitants CoR. Holland, 

of New England, and all others whom Sam. Vassall, 

this may concern. Geo. Fenwick, 

Fran. Allein, 
Wm. Purefoy, 
Geo. Snelling.* 

13. (7.) (September 13.)] Randall Holden arrived here in a 
London ship, Captain Wall master, and sent this order to the 
governor to desire leave to land, etc. Accordingly the gov- 
ernor answered, that he could not give him leave of himself, 
nor dispense with an order of the general court ; but the council 
were to meet within two or three days, and he would impart 
it imto them, etc., and in the mean time he would not seek 
after him, etc. 

The council being met, they were of different judgments in 
the case, so as they agreed to take the advice of such of the 
elders as were then met at the lecture at Boston (being about 

' The rift opening here between the Congregationalists of England and Amer- 
ica was indeed serious. It is indicated in the margin of the manuscript that the 
document bore the seal of the Earl of Warwick as governor and admiral. 


ten). The elders also differed, some were very earnest for his 
commitment till the general court, etc. But the greater part, 
both of magistrates and elders, thought it better to give so much 
respect to the protection which the parliament had given him, 
(and whereupon he adventured his life, etc.,) as to suffer him 
to pass quietly away, and when the general court should be 
assembled, (which would be within a month,) then to consider 
further about their repossessing the land they claimed. 

20. (7.) {September 20.)] Being the Lord's day, and the 
people ready to go to the assembly after dinner, Monsieur 
Marie and Monsieur Louis, with Monsieur D'Auhiay his secre- 
tary, arrived at Boston in a small pinnace, and major Gibbons 
sent two of his chief officers to meet them at the water side, 
who conducted them to their lodgings sine strepitu. The public 
worship being ended, the governor repaired home, and sent 
major Gibbons, with other gentlemen, with a guard of mus- 
keteers to attend them to the governor's house, who, meeting 
them without his door, carried them into his house, where they 
were entertained with wine and sweetmeats, and after a while 
he accompanied them to their lodgings (being the house of 
major Gibbons, where they were entertained that night). The 
next morning they repaired to the governor, and delivered him 
their commission, which was in form of a letter directed to the 
governor and magistrates. It was open, but had a seal only 
let into the paper with a label. Their diet was provided at the 
ordinary, where the magistrates use to diet in court times; 
and the governor accompanied them always at meals. Their 
manner was to repair to the governor's house every morning 
about eight of the clock, who accompanied them to the place 
of meeting ; and at night either himself or some of the commis- 
sioners accompanied them to their lodging. It was the third 
day at noon before our commissioners could come together. 
When they were met, they propounded great injuries and 
damages, sustained by Captain Hawkins and our men, in 
assistance of La Tour, and would have engaged our govern- 


ment therein. We denied that we had any hand, either by 
commission or permission, in that action. We only gave way 
to La Tour to hire assistance to conduct his ship home, accord- 
ing to the request made to us in the commission of the vice 
admiral of France. And for that which was done by our men 
beyond our commission, we showed Monsieur D'Aulnay's letter 
to our governor, by Captain Bayley, wherein he writes, that 
the king of France had laid all the blame upon the vice admiral, 
and commanded him not to break with us, upon that occasion. 
We also alleged the peace formerl}'- concluded without any 
reservation of those things. They replied, that howsoever the 
king of France had remitted his own interest, yet he had not 
nor intended to deprive Monsieur D'Aulnay of his private satis- 
faction. Here they did stick two days. Their commissioners 
alleged damages to the value of 8000 pounds, but did not stand 
upon the value. They would have accepted of very small 
satisfaction, if we would have acknowledged any guilt in our 
government. In the end they came to this conclusion: we 
accepted their commissioner's answer, in satisfaction of those 
things we had charged upon Monsieur D'Aulnay, and they 
accepted our answer for clearing our government of what he 
had charged upon us ; and because we could not free Captain 
Hawkins and the other voluntaries of what they had done, we 
were to send a small present to Monsieur D'Aulnay in satisfac- 
tion of that, and so all injuries and demands to be remitted, 
and so a final peace to be concluded. Accordingly we sent 
Monsieur D'Aulnay by his commissioners a very fair new 
sedan, (worth forty or fifty pounds where it was made, but of 
no use to us,) sent by the viceroy of Mexico to a lady his sister, 
and taken in the West Indies by Captain Cromwell, and by 
him given to our governor.* This the commissioners very well 
accepted ; and so the agreement being signed in several instru- 
ments, by the commissioners of both parts, on 28 day of the 
same month, they took leave and departed to their pinnace, the 

* See ante, p. 273. 


governor and our commissioners accompanying them to their 
boat, attended with a guard of musketeers, and gave them 
five guns from Boston, three from Charlestown, and five 
from Castle Island, and we sent them aboard a quarter cask 
of sack and some mutton. They answered all our salutations 
with such small pieces as they had, and so set sail, major 
Sedgwick and some other gentlemen accompanying them as 
far as Castle Island. The Lord's day they were here, the gov- 
ernor, acquainting them with our manner, that all men either 
come to our public meetings, or keep themselves quiet in their 
houses, and finding that the place where they lodged would 
not be convenient for them that day, invited them home to his 
house, where they continued private all that day until sunset, 
and made use of such books, Latin and French, as he had, and 
the liberty of a private walk in his garden, and so gave no 
offence, etc. The two first days after their arrival their pinnace 
kept up her flag in the main top, which gave offence both to 
the Londoners who rode in the harbor and also to our own 
people, whereupon Monsieur Marie was put in mind of it. At 
first he excused it by a general custom for the king's ships, both 
French, English, and Dutch, etc., to use it in all places; but 
being now under our government, if we would so command, 
he would cause [it] to be taken down. We desired him not [to] 
put us to that, but seeing he knew our minds he would do it of 
himself. Whereupon he gave order to have it taken down. 

There fell a sad affliction upon the country this year, though 
it more particularly concerned New Haven and those parts. A 
small ship of about 100 tons set out from New Haven in the 
middle of the eleventh month last (the harbor there being so 
frozen, as they were forced to hew her through the ice near 
three miles). She was laden with pease and some wheat, all 
in bulk, with about 200 West India hides, and store of beaver, 
and plate, so as it was estimated in all at 5000 pounds. There 
were in her about seventy persons, whereof divers were of 
very precious account, as Mr. Grigson, one of their magistrates, 


the wife of Mr. Goodyear, another of their magistrates, (a right 
godly woman,) Captain Turner, Mr. Lamberton, master of the 
ship, and some seven or eight others, members of the church 
there. The ship never went voyage before, and was very 
crank-sided, so as it was conceived, she was overset in a great 
tempest, which happened soon after she put to sea, for she was 
never heard of after. 

7. (September.)] Some few famihes being gone to the new 
plantation at Pequod,* some of them kept in the Indians' wig- 
wams there, while their own houses were building. Some of 
these Indians, accompanied with some English, went to hunt 
deer, Unkas, the Moheagen sachem, pretending they had hunted 
in his hmits, came with 300 men, and set upon them, and beat 
some of the Indians, and took away some of their goods, putting 
them by force out of their wigwams, where the English kept. 
Complaint being made hereof to the commissioners, (who were 
then met at New Haven,) they sent for Unkas, and charged him 
with this outrage, etc. He confessed he had done very ill, and 
said, he thought he was mad ; so he promised to go to the Eng- 
lish there, and acknowledge his offence, and make full satisfac- 
tion, and for time to come, would live peaceably with them, etc. 

The merchants of New Haven had set up a trading house 
upon a small river some thirty miles up into the country, and 
some fifty miles from fort Orange. The Dutch governor 
hearing thereof, sent a protest there against it, claiming the 
place to be in New Netherland. Mr. Eaton returned answer 
by the same messenger. 

A woman of the church of We3Tnouth being cast out for 
some distempered speeches, by a major party, (the ruling elder 
and a minor party being unsatisfied therein,) her husband com- 
plained to the synod, which being then ready to break up, 
could do nothing in it, but only acquainted the pastor there- 
with privately. WTiereupon complaint was made to the elders 
of the neighboring churches, and request made to them to 

* The Thames River. 


come to Weymouth and to mediate a reconciliation. The el- 
ders acquainted their churches with it. Some scrupled the 
warrantableness of the course, seeing the major party of the 
church did not send to the churches for advice. It was an- 
swered, that it was not to be expected, that the major party 
would complain of their own act, and if the minor party, or 
the party grieved, should not be heard, then God should have 
left no means of redress in such a case, which could not be. 
Some of the churches approved their going ; the rest permitted 
it. So they went, and the church of Weymouth, having notice 
before hand, gave them a meeting, and first demanded, whether 
they were sent by their churches or not. Being certified, as 
before, they objected this, that except they had been sent by 
their churches, they should never know when they had done, 
for others might come still, and require like satisfaction, etc. 
It was answered, the like objection would lie, if the churches 
had sent, for other churches might yet have required, etc., 
but they came not in way of authority, but only of brotherly 
communion, and therefore impose nothing upon them, but 
only to give their advice as occasion should require. This and 
some other scruples being removed, the church consented to 
have the cause heard, and opened from the beginning, where- 
upon some failing was found in both parties, the woman had 
not given so full satisfaction as she ought to have done, and 
the major party of the church had proceeded too hastily against 
a considerable party of the dissenting brethren, whereupon the 
woman who had offended was convinced of her failing, and be- 
wailed it with many tears, the major party also acknowledged 
their error, and gave the elders thanks for their care and pains. 
7. (September.)] One Wilham Waldron, a member of the 
church of Dover upon Pascataquack, (received into the church 
in the corrupt beginning of it,) a man given to drunkenness 
and contention, being after cast out, and upon some formal 
repentance received in again, being also a good clerk, and a 
subtle man, was made their recorder, and also recorder of the 


province of Maine under Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and returning 
from Saco about the end of September alone, passing over a 
small river at Kennebunk, was there drowned, and his body 
not found until near a month after. 

(8.) (October) 17.] A ship of 300 tons, built at Boston, was 
this day launched. 

(9.) (November) 4.] The general court (being adjourned 
from (8) began again, and that night was a most dreadful 
tempest at northeast with wind and rain, in which the lady 
Moodye her house at Salem, being but one story in height, and 
a flat roof with a brick chimney in the midst, had the roof taken 
off in two parts (with the top of the chimney) and carried six 
or seven rods off. Also one Cross of Connecticut had his pin- 
nace cast away in Narragansett Bay, but the men and goods 
saved. Mr. Haines, etc., taken in this tempest half way from 
Connecticut, and by providence brought casually in the night 
to an empty wigwam, where they found fire kindled, and room 
for themselves and horses, else had perished. 

This court the business of Gorton, etc., and of the petition- 
ers. Dr. Child, etc., were taken into consideration, and it was 
thought needful to send some able man into England, with 
commission and instructions, to satisfy the commissioners for 
plantations about those complaints ; and because it was a mat- 
ter of so great and general concernment, such of the elders as 
could be had were sent for, to have their advice in the matter. 
Mr. Hubbard of Hingham came with the rest, but the court 
being informed that he had an hand in a petition, which Mr. 
Vassall carried into England against the country in general, 
the governor propounded, that if any elder present had any 
such hand, etc., he would withdraw himself. Mr. Hubbard sit- 
ting still a good space, and no man speaking, one of the depu- 
ties informed the court, that Mr. Hubbard was the man sus- 
pected, whereupon he arose, and said, that he knew nothing of 
any such petition. The governor repHed, that seeing he was 
now named, he must needs dehver his mind about him, which 


was, that although they had no proof present about the 
matter of the petition, and therefore his denial was a sufficient 
clearing, etc., yet in regard he had so much opposed authority, 
and offered such contempt to it, as for which he had been 
lately bound to his good behavior, he thought he would 
(in discretion) withdraw himself, etc., whereupon he went out. 
Then the governor put the court in mind of a great miscar- 
riage, in that our secretest coimsels were presently known 
abroad, which could not be but by some among ourselves, and 
desired them to look at it as a matter of great unfaithfulness, 
and that our present consultations might be kept in the breast 
of the court, and not be divulged abroad, as others had been. 
Then it was propounded to consideration, in what relation 
we stood to the state of England; whether our government was 
founded upon our charter, or not; if so, then what subjection 
we owed to that state. The magistrates delivered their minds 
first, that the elders might have the better light for their advice. 
All agreed that our charter was the foundation of our govern- 
ment, and thereupon some thought, that we were so subordi- 
nate to the parliament, as they might countermand our orders 
and judgments, etc., and therefore advised, that we should peti- 
tion the parhament for enlargement of power, etc. Others 
conceived otherwise, and that though we owed allegiance and 
subjection to them, as we had always professed, and by a copy 
of a petition which we presented to the lords of the privy 
council when they sent for our charter anno [blank] then read 
in the court, did appear, yet by our charter we had absolute 
power of government; for thereby we have power to make 
laws, to erect all sorts of magistracy, to correct, punish, pardon, 
govern, and rule the people absolutely, which word implies two 
things, 1. a perfection of parts, so as we are thereby furnished 
with all parts of government, 2. it impHes a self-sufficiency, 
quoad subjectam materiam,and ergo should not need the help 
of any superior power, either general governor, or, etc., to 
complete our government ; yet we did owe allegiance and sub- 


jection, 1. because our commonwealth was founded upon the 
power of that state, and so had been always carried on, 2. in 
regard of the tenure of our lands, of the manor of East Green- 
wich, 3. we depended upon them for protection, etc., 4. for 
advice and counsel, when in great occasions we should crave 
it, 5. in the continuance of naturalization and free liegeance of 
ourselves and our posterity. Yet we might be still independent 
in respect of government, as Normandy, Gascoyne, etc., were, 
though they had dependence upon the crown of France, and 
the kings of England did homage, etc., yet in point of govern- 
ment they were not dependent upon France. So hkewise 
Burgundy, Flanders, etc. So the Hanse Towns in Germany, 
which have dependence upon the empire, etc. And such as 
are subject to the imperial chamber, in some great and general 
causes, they had their deputies there, and so were parties to 
all orders there.* 

And for that motion of petitioning, etc., it was answered, 
1. that if we receive a new charter, that will be (ipso facto) a 
surrender of the old, 2. the parliament can grant none now, 
but by way of ordinance, and it may be questioned, whether 
the king will give his royal assent, considering how he hath 
taken displeasure against us, 3. if we take a charter from the 
parliament, we can expect no other than such as they have 
granted to us at Narragansett, and to others in other places, 
wherein they reserve a supreme power in all things. 

The court having delivered their opinions, the elders de- 
sired time of consideration, and the next day they presented 
their advice, which was delivered by Mr. Allen, pastor of the 
church in Dedham, in divers articles, which (upon request) 
they delivered in writing as followeth. But first I should have 
mentioned the order of the commissioners, sent to us in the 

* These early discussions of the proper relation of a dependency to the mother 
state are interesting. The ideas from which came the American Revolution are 
plainly seen, and also those from which was evolved the present English colonial 


behalf of Gorton, which, together with their petition and decla- 
ration, were sent over to us by the commissioners. The order 
was in these words. 

After our hearty commendations, we being specially entrusted by 
both houses of parliament with ordering the affairs and government 
of the English plantations in America, have some months since received 
a complaint from Mr. Gorton and Mr. Holden, in the name of themselves 
and divers others English, who have transported themselves into New 
England, and now are or lately were inhabitants of a tract of land called 
by the name of the Narragansett Bay, (a copy of which complaint the 
inclosed petition and narrative will represent to your knowledge,) we 
could not forthwith proceed to a full hearing and determination of the 
matter, it not appearing unto us, that you were acquainted with the 
particular charge, or that you had furnished any person with power to 
make defence in your behalf, nor could we conveniently respite some kind 
of resolution therein without a great prejudice to the petitioners, who 
would have lain under much inconvenience, if we had detained them 
from their families till all the formality and circumstances of proceeding 
(necessary at this distance) had regularly prepared the cause for a hearing. 
We shall therefore let you know in the first place, that our present resolu- 
tion is not grounded upon an admittance of the truth of what is charged, 
we knowing well how much God hath honored your government, and 
believing that your spirits and affairs are acted by principles of justice, 
prudence and zeal to God, and therefore cannot easily receive any evil 
impressions concerning your proceedings. In the next place, you may 
take notice, that we found the petitioners' aim and desire, in the result of 
it, was not so much a reparation for what past, as a settling their habita- 
tion for the future under that government by a charter of civil incorpora- 
tion which was heretofore granted them by ourselves. We find withal 
that the tract of land, called the Narragansett Bay, (concerning which 
the question is arisen,) was divers years since inhabited by those of Provi- 
dence, Portsmouth, and Newport, who are interested in the complaint, and 
that the same is wholly without the bounds of the Massachusetts patent 
granted by his majesty. We have considered that they be English, and 
that the forcing of them to find out new places of residence will be very 
chargeable, difficult, and uncertain. 

And therefore upon the whole matter do hereby pray and require 
you to permit and suffer the petitioners and all the late inhabitants of 
Narragansett Bay, with their families and such as shall hereafter join 


with them, freely and quietly to live and plant upon Shawomett and such 
other parts of the said tract of land within the bounds mentioned in our 
said charter, on which they have formerly planted and lived, without 
extending your jurisdiction to any part thereof, or otherwise disquieting 
them in their consciences or civil peace, or interrupting them in their 
possession until such time as we shall have received your answer to their 
claim in point of title, and you shall thereupon have received our further 
order therein. 

And in case any others, since the petitioners' address to England, 
have taken possession of any part of the lands heretofore enjoyed by the 
petitioners or any their associates, you are to cause them which are newly 
possessed, as aforesaid, to be removed, that this order may be fully per- 
formed. And till our further order neither the petitioners are to enlarge 
their plantations, nor are any others to be suffered to intrude upon any 
part of the Narragansett Bay. 

And if they shall be found hereafter to abuse this favor by any act 
tending to disturb your right, we shall express a due sense thereof, so as 
to testify a care of your honor, protection, and encouragement. 

In order to the effecting of this resolution, we do also require, that 
you do suffer the said Mr. Gorton, Mr. Holden, Mr. Greene, and their 
company, with their goods and necessaries, to pass through any part of 
that territory which is under your jurisdiction, toward the said tract of 
land, without molestation, they demeaning themselves civilly, any former 
sentence of expulsion or otherwise notwithstanding. 

We shall only add that to these orders of ours we shall ex^pect a con- 
formity, not only from yourselves, but from all other governors and 
plantations in New England whom it may concern. And so commending 
you to God's gracious protection, we rest, your very loving friends. 

From the governor in Warwick, Governor and Admi. Jud. 
chief. Lord Admiral and Northumberland, 
Commissioners for foreign Pembroke and Montgomery, 
Plantations, sitting at West- Nottingham, 
minster, 15 May, 1646. Manchester, 

Era. Dacre, 

Sam. Vassall, 

Corn. Holland, 

Wm. Waller, 

Wm. Purefoy, 

Dennis Bond, 

Geo. Snelling, 

Ben. Rudyer. 


Upon this order one question was, whether we should give 
the commissioners their title, least thereby we should acknowl- 
edge all that power they claimed in our jurisdiction as well as 
in other plantations, which had not so large a charter as we. 
It was considered withal, that whatever answer or remonstrance 
we presented to them, if their stile were not observed, it was 
doubted they would not receive it. 

The advice of the elders was as follows. 

Concerning the question of our dependence upon England, we con- 

1. That as we stand in near relation, so also in dependence upon that 
state, in divers respects, viz. 1. We have received the power of our 
government and other privileges, derived from thence by our charter. 
2. We owe allegiance and fidelity to that state. 3. Erecting such a 
government as the patent prescribes and subjecting ourselves to the laws 
here ordained by that government, we therein yield subjection to the state 
of England. 4. We owe unto that state the fifth part of gold and silver 
ore that shall, etc. 5. We depend upon the state of England for protec- 
tion and immunities of Englishmen, as free denization, etc. 

2. We conceive, that in point of government we have granted by 
patent such full and ample power of choosing all officers that shall com- 
mand and rule over us, of making all laws and rules of our obedience, and 
of a full and final determination of all cases in the administration of 
justice, that no appeals or other ways of interrupting our proceedings do 
lie against us. 

3. Concerning our way of answering complaints against us in Eng- 
land, we conceive, that it doth not well suit with us, nor are we directly 
called thereto, to profess and plead our right and power, further than in 
a way of justification of our proceedings questioned, from the words of 
the patent. In which agitations and the issues thereof our agents shall 
discern the mind of the parliament towards us, which if it be prepense and 
favorable, there may be a fit season to procure such countenance of our 
proceedings, and confirmation of our just power, as may prevent such 
unjust complaints and interruptions, as now disturb our administrations. 
But if the parliament should be less inclinable to us, we must wait upon 
providence for the preservation of our just liberties. 

4. Furthermore we do not clearly discern, but that we may give the 
Earl of Warwick and the rest such titles as the parliament hath given 
them, without subjecting to them in point of our government. 


5. Lastly we conceive that as the hazardous state of England, the 
case of the church of Bermuda, and so this weighty case of our liberties 
do call the churches to a solemn seeking of the Lord for the upholding of 
our state and disappointment of our adversaries. 

The court had made choice of Mr. Edward Winslow, (one 
of the magistrates of Plymouth,) as a fit man to be employed 
in our present affairs in England, both in regard of his abihties 
of presence, speech, courage, and understanding, as also being 
well known to the commissioners, having suffered a few years 
before divers months imprisonment, by means of the last arch 
prelate, in the cause of New England. But it was now moved 
by one of the elders, to send one of our own magistrates and 
one of our elders. The motion and the reasons of it were well 
apprehended, so as the governor and Mr. Norton, teacher of 
the church in Ipswich, were named, and in a manner agreed 
upon; but upon second thoughts it was let fall, chiefly for 
these two reasons, L it was feared, in regard that Mr. Peter 
had written to the governor to come over and assist in the 
parliament's cause, etc., that if he were there, he would be 
called into the parliament, and so detained, 2. many were upon 
the wing, and his departure would occasion more new thoughts 
and apprehensions, etc. 3. it was feared what changes his ab- 
sence might produce, etc. 

The governor was very averse to a voyage into England, 
yet he declared himself ready to accept the service, if he should 
be called to it, though he were then fifty-nine years of age, 
wanting one month; but he was very glad when he saw the 
mind of the Lord to be otherwise. 

The court conferred with the elders about the petition of Dr. 
Child, etc., also, for it had given great offence to many godly in 
the country, both elders and others, and some answers had 
been made to it, and presented to the court, out of which one 
entire answer had been framed, in way of declaration of the 
court's apprehension thereof, not by way of answer, because it 
was adjudged a contempt, which declaration was after pub- 


lished. The elders declared their opinion about it, but gave 
no advice for censure, etc., leaving that to the court. 

There was a ship then ready to set sail for England, wherein 
Mr. Fowle (one of the petitioners) was to go, etc. The court 
therefore sent for him, and required an account of him about 
it, before his departure, and also Mr. John Smith of Rhode 
Island, being then in town, and they were both required to find 
sureties to be responsal, etc., whereupon they were troubled, 
and desired they might answer presently, in regard they were 
to depart, taking exception also, that the rest of the petitioners 
were not called as well as they. Whereupon Dr. Child, etc., 
were sent for, and all appeared, save Mr. Maverick; and the 
Dr. (being the chief speaker) demanded what should be laid to 
their charge, seeing it was no offence to prefer a petition, etc. 
It was answered, that they were not questioned for petitioning, 
but for such miscarriages, etc., as appeared in their petition 
and remonstrance. The Doctor replied, desiring that they 
might know their charge. The court answered, they should 
have it in due time ; it was not ready at present, nor had they 
called them then, had it not been, that some of them were 
upon their departure, and therefore the court required sureties 
for their forth coming, etc. The Doctor, etc., still demanded 
what offence they had committed, for which they should find 
sureties, etc. Upon this pressing, one clause in their petition 
was read to them, which was this, our brethren of England's 
just indignation against us, so as they fly from us as from a 
pest, etc., whereby they lay a great scandal upon the country, 
etc. This was so clear as they could not evade it, but quarrelled 
with the court, with high terms. The Doctor said, they did 
beneath themselves in petitioning to us, etc., and in conclusion 
appealed to the commissioners in England. The governor told 
them, he would admit no appeal, nor was it allowed by our 
charter, but by this it appeared what their aim was in their 
petition; they complained of fear of perpetual slavery, etc., 
but their intent was, to make us slaves to them and such as 


themselves were, and that by the parhament and commission- 
ers, (meaning, by thi'eatening us with their authority, or calum- 
niating us to them, etc.). For ourselves, it was well known, 
we did ever honor the parhament, and were ready to perform 
all due obedience, etc., to them according to our charter, etc. 
The court let them know, that they did take notice of their 
contemptuous speeches and behavior, as should further 
appear in due time. In conclusion Mr. Fowle and Mr. Smith 
were committed to the marshal for want of sureties, and the 
rest were enjoined to attend the court when they should be 
called. So they were dismissed, and Mr. Fowle, etc. found 
sureties before night, and were set at liberty. 

A committee was appointed to examine the petition, and 
out of it to draw a charge, which was done, as followeth: 

The court doth charge Dr. Child, etc., with divers false and scandalous 
passages in a certain paper, entitled a remonstrance and petition (ex- 
hibited by them to this court in the third month last) against the churches 
of Christ and the civil government here established, derogating from the 
honor and authority of the same, and tending to sedition, as in the par- 
ticulars following will appear: 

1. They take upon them to defame our government, and to control 
both the wisdom of the state of England in the frame of our charter, and 
also the wisdom and integrity of this court, in charging our government 
to be an ill-compacted vessel. 

2. They lay open the afflictions, which God hath pleased to exercise 
us with, and that to the worst appearance, and impute it to the evil of 
our government. 

3. They charge us with manifest injury to a great part of the people 
here, persuading them, that the liberties and privileges in our charter 
belong to all freeborn Englishmen, inhabitants here; whereas they are 
granted only to such as the governor and company shall think fit to 
receive into that fellowship. 

4. They closely insinuate into the minds of the people, that those 
now in authority do intend to exercise unwarranted dominion and an 
arbitrary government, such as is abominable to the parliament and that 
party in England, thereby to make them slaves; and (to hide them- 
selves) they pretend it to be the jealousies of others, and (which 


tends to stir up commotion) they foretel them of intolerable bondage 
to ensiue. 

5. They go about to weaken the authority of our laws, and the 
reverence and esteem of them, and consequently their obedience to them, 
by persuading the people, that partly through want of the body of English 
laws, and partly through the insufficiency or ill frame of those we have, 
they can expect no sure enjoyment of their lives and liberties under them. 

6. They falsely charge us with denying liberty of votes in such cases 
where we allow them, as in choice of military officers, which is common 
to the non-freemen with such as are free. 

7. Their speeches tend to sedition, by insinuating into the people's 
minds, that there are many thousands secretly discontented at the govern- 
ment, etc., whereby those who indeed were so might be emboldened to 
discover themselves, and to attempt some innovation, in confidence of so 
many thousands to join with them, and so to kindle a great flame, the 
foretelling whereof is a chief means to kindle it. 

8. They raise a false report and foul slander upon the discipline of 
our churches, and upon the civil government, by inferring that the frame 
and dispensation thereof are such, as godly, sober, peaceable, etc., men 
cannot live here like Christians, which they seem to conclude from hence, 
that they desire liberty to remove where they may live like Christians. 

9. They do (in effect) charge this government with tyranny, in im- 
pressing their persons into the wars, committing them to prison, fining, 
rating, etc., and all unjustly and illegally. 

10. They falsely charge and slander the people of God, in affirming 
that Christian vigilancy is no way exercised towards such as are not in 
church fellowship, whereas themselves know, and have had experience 
to the contrary. And if they had discerned any such failing, they ought 
first to have complained of it in private to the elders, or brethren of such 
churches where they have been so neglected, which (we may well think) 
they have not done, nor had any just cause thereof. 

11. Having thrown all this dirt and shame upon our churches and 
government, etc., they endeavor to set it on, that it might stick fast, so as 
all men might undoubtedly be persuaded of the reality thereof, by pro- 
claiming it in their conclusion, that our own brethren in England have 
just indignation against us for the same, which they labor to confirm by 
the effect thereof, viz. that for these evils amongst us, these our own 
brethren do fly from us as from a pest. 

12. Lastly, that it may yet more clearly appear, that these evils and 
obliquities, which they charge upon our government, are not the mere 
jealousies of others, but their own apprehensions, (or pretences rather,) 


they have publicly declared their disaffection thereto, in that, being called 
by the court to render account of their misapprehensions and evil expres- 
sions in the premises, they refused to answer; but, by appealing from this 
government, they disclaimed the jurisdiction thereof, before they knew 
whether the court would give any sentence against them, or not. 

Their petition being read, and this charge laid upon them, 
in the open court, before a great assembly, they desired time to 
make answer to it, which was granted. .\nd giving the court 
notice that their answer was ready, they assembled again, and 
before all the people caused their answer to be read, which was 
large, and to little purpose, and the court replied to the particu- 
lars extempore, as they were read. The substance both of 
the answer and reply was, as followeth, with some little addi- 
tion, which for want of time was then omitted. 

Answer. To the first they answer, that they termed these 
plantations an ill-compacted vessel, 1. comparatively, in re- 
spect of our native country, 2. in regard of the paucity of 
people, scattered, etc., 3. for diversity of judgments amongst 
us, many being for presbyterial government, according to the 
reformation in England, others opposing it; some freemen, 
others not. Differences there are also about bounds of col- 
onies, patents, privileges, etc. 

Reply. To this was rephed, 1. that the being of a thing, 
talis, etc., hes in the perfection of parts, not degrees; a child of 
a year old is as truly a man, and as well compact, as one of 
sixty ; a ship of forty tons may be as well compact a vessel, 
as the Royal Sovereign. And for the differences which are 
amongst us, (through the Lord's mercy,) they are not either in 
number or degree suitable to those in England, nor do they con- 
cern our esse or non esse; and those which are, are raised by 
such discontented and unquiet spirits as these petitioners. 

To the second they answer negatively, which needed no 
reply, it being evident in their petition, that (though they speak 
of our sins in general, yet) they chiefly impute them to our evil 
government, etc. 


Answer. To the third, they deny the charge, but grant that 
the governor and company may have some pecuhar privileges, 
as other corporations of England have, which corporation 
privileges, made for the most part for advancing mechanical 
professions, in some places are much shghted by the English 
gentry, unless in London and some great cities, because free- 
born privileges are far greater and more honorable, etc. 

Reply. To this it was rephed, that we could not but take 
this as a scorn and slighting of us, (according to their former 
carriage,) allowing us no more than any ordinary corporation, 
and such privileges only as belong to mechanic men ; but for 
greater and more gentile privileges, (as they term them,) those 
they would share in ; and (which they impudently deny against 
the plain words of their petition) they would have all freeborn 
English to have as much right to them as the governor and 

Answer. To the fourth they answer as in their petition, and 
a reason they give of their fear of arbitrary government is, that 
some speeches and papers have been spread abroad for main- 
tenance thereof, etc., and that a body of English laws have not 
been here established, nor any other not repugnant thereto. 

Reply. To this it was replied, 1. that the constant care 
and pains the court hath taken for establishing a body of laws, 
and that which hath been effected herein beyond any other 
plantation, will sufficiently clear our government from being 
arbitrary, and our intentions from any such disposition, 2. for 
the laws of England (though by our charter we are not bound 
to them, yet) our fundamentals are framed according to them, 
as will appear by our declaration, which is to be published upon 
this occasion, and the government of England itself is more 
arbitrary in their chancery and other courts than ours is, 3. 
because they would make men believe, that the want of the 
laws of England was such a grievance to them, they were pressed 
to show, what laws of England they wanted, and it was offered 
them, (before all the assembly, who were desired to bear witness 


of it,) that if they could produce any one law of England, the 
want whereof was a just grievance to them, the court would 
quit the cause, whereupon one of them instanced in a law used 
in London, (where he had been a citizen,) but that was easily 
taken away, by showing that that was only a bye-law, or pecul- 
iar custom of the city, and none of the common or general 
laws of England. 

Answer. They answer negatively to the fifth, alleging that 
they only commend the laws of England as those they are best 
accustomed unto, etc., and therein they impudently and falsely 
affirm, that we are obliged to those laws by om* general charter 
and oath of allegiance, and that without those laws, or others 
no way repugnant to them, they could not clearly see a cer- 
tainty of enjoying their lives, hberties, and estates, etc., ac- 
cording to their due natural rights, as freebom Enghsh, etc. 

Reply. To this it was replied, that they charge us with 
breach of our charter and of our oaths of allegiance, whereas 
our allegiance binds us not to the laws of England any longer 
than while we live in England, for the laws of the parliament 
of England reach no further, nor do the king's writs under 
the great seal go any further; what the orders of state may, 
belongs not in us to determine. And whereas they seem 
to admit of laws not repugnant, etc., if by repugnant they 
mean, as the word truly imports, and as by the charter must 
needs be intended, they have no cause to complain, for we have 
no laws diametrically opposite to those of England, for then 
they must be contrary to the law of God and of right reason, 
which the learned in those laws have anciently and still do 
hold forth as the fundamental basis of their laws, and that if 
any thing hath been otherwise estabhshed, it was an error, and 
not a law, being against the intent of the law-makers, however 
it may bear the form of a law (in regard of the stamp of au- 
thority set upon it) until it be revoked. 

Answer. To the sixth they confess, that non-freemen have 
a vote in choice of mifitary officers, but they justify their asser- 


tion, in regard they must first take an oath of fidehty, which, 
they say, is not (as they conceive) warranted by our charter, 
and seems not to concur with the oath of allegiance and the 
later covenants, but detracts from our native country and laws, 
so as they cannot take it, etc. 

Reply. This needs no reply. An absolute denial, and a de- 
nial sub modo are not the same. 

Answer. To the seventh they answer negatively only, 
which their petition will sufficiently clear, for (reply) the 
inference is so plain, as is obvious to any reasonable under- 

Answer and reply. The fike for the eighth. 

Answer. To the ninth they confess the words in their peti- 
tion, viz., that divers of the English subjects have been im- 
pressed for the wars, that rates are many and grievous, but 
charge them not with tyranny, or injustice, or illegal proceed- 

Reply. See what a manifest contradiction they have run 
themselves into. They complain of these impresses and rates 
as an unsupportable grievance, and yet neither tyrannical, 
unjust, nor illegal; so as we must then conclude (as the very 
truth is indeed) that the exercise of lawful authority, justice 
and law, are a grievance to these men, if it come not in their 
own way. 

Answer. To the tenth, they would shift off that slander 
upon our churches and brethren, by this distinction of Christian 
vigilancy, properly and improperly so called; properly is in 
three respects, 1. of the church covenant, 2. of the term, 
brethren, 3. church censure. And all other Christian vigilancy 
they account improper; and so this is not to be intended or 
comprised in this proposition, viz.. Christian vigilancy is no 
way exercised towards non-members. 

Reply. This is so gross a fallacy, as needs no skill to dis- 
cover it. 

Answer. To the eleventh they answer by confessing the 


words, save that they say, they spake of their brethren, not our 
brethren. Reply. Who they challenge for their brethren pecul- 
iarly we know not, for all such there as in judgment of charity 
go for true Christians in England, we do and have always 
accounted brethren, and in a common sense all of that nation 
we have accounted brethren; and further they justify that 
speech, that they have just indignation against us, etc., for 
three reasons, 1. for not establishing the laws of England, 2. 
not admitting them to civil Uberties, 3. not admitting them to 
the sacraments; and yet they dare affirm that they do not 
charge this upon the court, etc. They also justify that speech, 
of flying from us as from a pest, by the like speeches some of 
them have heard from godly men in England, and by so many 
going from us, and so few coming to us. But admit all this to 
be true, yet what calling have these men to publish tliis to our 
reproach? And beside they know well, that as some speak 
evil of us, because we conform not to their opinions, in allow- 
ing liberty to every erroneous judgment, so there are many, no 
less godly and judicious, who do approve our practice, and con- 
tinue their good affection to us. 

Answer. To the twelfth (professing their ignorance of the 
meaning of the word, obliquities, to which was rephed, that 
then they did not know rather what rectum was, for whatso- 
ever is not rectum is obliquum) they make an apology for their 
appeal, as conceiving it lawful to appeal to the parliament, to 
which they were necessitated, some of them being hindered 
from their necessary occasions, and accounting it no offence to 
petition, etc., nor had the parliament ever censured any for the 
like, etc. And if this will not satisfy the court, etc., some few 
queries to the parliament (the best arbiters in these cases) will 
(we hope) end all controversies, etc., concluding that they hope 
we will censure all things candidly and in the best sense. 

To which it was replied, that appeals did not lie from us, by 
our charter; and to appeal, before any sentence, was to dis- 
claim our jurisdiction, etc. 


I should also have noted the Doctor's logic, who undertook 
to prove, that we were subject to the laws of England. His 
argument was this, every corporation of England is subject to 
the laws of England; but this was a corporation of England, 
ergo, etc. 

To which it was answered, 1. that there is a difference 
between subjection to the laws in general, as all that dwell 
in England are, and subjection to some laws of state, proper 
to foreign plantations, 2. we must distinguish between corpora- 
tions within England and corporations of but not within 
England; the first are subject to the laws of England in gen- 
eral, yet not to every general law, as the city of London and 
other corporations have divers customs and by-laws differing 
from the common and statute laws of England. Again, 
though plantations be bodies corporate, (and so is every city 
and commonwealth,) yet they are also above the rank of an 
ordinary corporation. If one of London should say before the 
mayor and aldermen, or before the common council, you are 
but a corporation, this would be taken as a contempt. And 
among the Romans, Grecians, and other nations, colonies have 
been esteemed other than towns, yea than many cities, for they 
have been the foundations of great commonwealths. And it 
was a fruit of much pride and folly in these petitioners to de- 
spise the day of small things. 

These petitioners persisting thus obstinately and proudly in 
their evil practice, the court proceeded to consider of their cen- 
sure, and agreed, that the Doctor (in regard he had no cause to 
complain, and yet was a leader to the rest, and had carried 
himself proudly, etc., in the court) should be fined fifty pounds, 
Mr. Smith (being also a stranger) forty pounds, Mr. Maverick 
(because he had not as yet appealed) ten pounds, and the other 
four thirty pounds each.* So being again called before the 

* The modern reader will not sympathize with this narrow action of the theoc- 
racy. " Surprise almost equals our indignation at this exorbitant imposition, for 
in this very year Fowle was associated with Winthrop as one of the selectmen of 


court, they were exhorted to consider better of their proceed- 
ings, and take knowledge of their miscarriage, which was great, 
and that they had transgressed the rule of the Apostle [blank], 
study to be quiet and to meddle with your own business. 
They were put in mind also of that sin of Corah, etc., and of 
the near resemblance between theirs and that; they only 
told Moses and Aaron, that they took too much upon them, 
seeing all were the Lord's people, etc., so these say, that 
the magistrates and freemen take too much upon them, seeing 
all the people are Englishmen, etc., and others are wise, holy, 
etc. They were offered also, if they would ingenuously ac- 
knowledge their miscarriage, etc., it should be freely remitted. 
But they remaining obstinate, the court declared their sentence, 
as is before expressed. 

Upon which they all appealed to the parliament, etc., and 
tendered their appeal in writing. The court received the pa- 
per; but refused to accept it, or to read it in the court. 

Three of the magistrates, viz., Mr. Bellingham, Mr. Salton- 
stall, and Mr. Bradstreet dissented, and desired to be entered 
contradicentes in all the proceedings (only Mr. Bradstreet went 
home before the sentence). Two or three of the deputies did 
the like. So the court was dissolved.^ 

Dr. Child prepared now in all haste to go for England in the 
ship which was to go about a week after, to prosecute their 
appeal, and to get a petition from the non-freemen to the parlia- 

Boston, and Maverick was so much interested in the great work of fortifying 
Castle Island, that he advanced a large part of the outlay, and the metropolis 
engaged to save him harmless to a certain extent. Union of the good spirit of 
the civiHans, that dreaded all appeals to England for correction of any error in 
our administration, with the evil spirit of the clergy, that would enforce uniformity 
in ceremonies and belief, produced the effect of preventing many from coming 
to Massachusetts, and drove away many who had already established here their 
domestic altars. All these petitioners, but Maverick, left the country, I believe. 
He had long experience enough of the habits of our rulers to know, that their 
intolerance sometimes yielded to interest, and that humanity often overpowered 
the perversity of their zeal for God's house, by which they might seem to be eaten 
up." (Savage.) 

1 One reads gladly of the dissent of these important men. 


ment, and many high and menacing words were given forth by 
them against us, which gave occasion to the governor and 
council (so many of them as were then assembled to hold the 
court of assistants) to consider what was fit to be done. Neither 
thought they fit to impart their counsel to such of the magis- 
trates as had declared their dissent ; but the rest of them agreed 
to stay the Doctor for his fine, and to search his trunk and Mr. 
Band's study, but spake not of it till the evening before the 
Doctor was to depart. Then it was propounded in council, 
and Mr. Bellingham dissented, as before, (yet the day before 
he moved for stopping the Doctor, which was conceived to be to 
feel if there were any such intention,) and presently went aside, 
and spake privately with one, who we were sure would prevent 
our purpose, if it were possible. Whereupon (whereas we had 
agreed to defer it till he had been on shipboard) now perceiving 
our counsel was discovered, we sent the officers presently to 
fetch the Doctor, and to search his study and Dand's both at 
one instant, which was done accordingly, and the Doctor was 
brought, and his trunk, that was to be carried on shipboard 
(but there was nothing in that, which concerned the business). 
But at Dand's they found Mr. Smith, who catched up some 
papers, and when the officer took them from him, he brake 
out into these speeches, viz. we hope shortly we shall have 
commission to search the governor's closet. There were 
found the copies of two petitions and twenty-three queries, 
which were to be sent to England to the commissioners for 
plantations. The one from Dr. Child and the other six peti- 
tioners, wherein they declare, how they had formerly petitioned 
our general court, and had been fined for the same, and forced 
to appeal, and that the ministers of our churches did revile 
them, etc., as far as the wit or mahce of man could, etc., and 
that they meddled in civil affairs beyond their calling, and were 
masters rather than ministers, and ofttimes judges, and that 
they had stirred up the magistrates against them, and that a 
day of humiliation was appointed, wherein they were to pray 


against them, etc. Then they mention (as passing by them) 
what affronts, jeers, and despiteful speeches were cast upon 
them by some of the court, etc. Then they petition, 1. for 
settled churches according to the reformation of England, 2. 
that the laws of England may be established here, and that 
arbitrary power may be banished, 3. for hberties for English 
freeholders here as in England, etc., 4. that a general governor 
or some honorable commissioners be appointed for setthng, etc., 
5. that the oath of allegiance may be commanded to be taken 
by all, and other covenants which the parliament shall think 
most convenient, to be as a touchstone to try our affections to 
the state of England and true restored protestant rehgion, 6. 
to resolve their queries, etc., 7. to take into consideration their 
remonstrance and petition exhibited to the general court. 

Their queries were chiefly about the vahdity of our patent, 
and how it might be forfeited, and whether such and such acts 
or speeches in the pulpits or in the court, etc., were not high 
treason ; concerning the power of our court and laws in divers 
particular cases; and whether they may be hindered by the 
order of this court from settling in a church way according to 
the reformation of England, etc. 

The other petition was from some non-freemen (pretending 
to be in the name, and upon the sighs and tears of many 
thousands). In the preamble they show how they were driven 
out of their native country by the tyranny of the bishops, etc. 
Then they petition for liberty of conscience, etc., and for a 
general governor, etc. They sent their agents up and down 
the country to get hands to this petition. But of the many 
thousands they spake of, we could hear but of twenty-five to 
the chief petition, and those were (for the most part) either 
young men who came over servants, and never had any show 
of religion in them, or fishermen of Marblehead, profane 
persons, divers of them brought the last year from Newfound- 
land to fish a season, and so to return again; others were 
such as were drawn in by their relations, men of no reason 


neither, as a barber of Boston, who, being demanded by the 
governor, what moved him to set his hand, made answer, that 
the gentlemen were his customers, etc. ; and these are the men, 
who must be held forth to the parliament, as driven out of Eng- 
land by the bishops, etc., and whose tears and sighs must move 

Dr. Child, being upon this apprehended and brought before 
the governor and council, fell into a great passion, and gave 
big words, but being told, that they considered he was a person 
of quality, and therefore he should be used with such respect 
as was meet to be showed to a gentleman and a scholar, but if 
he would behave himself no better, he should be committed to 
the common prison and clapped in irons, upon this he grew 
more calm; so he was committed to the marshal, with Smith 
and Dand, for two or three days, till the ships were gone. For 
he was very much troubled to be hindered from his voyage, and 
offered to pay his fine ; but that would not be accepted for his 
discharge, seeing we had now new matter and worse against 
him (for the writings were of his hand). Yet, upon tender of 
sufficient bail, he was set at hberty, but confined to his house, 
and to appear at the next court of assistants. His confinement 
he took grievously, but he could not help it. The other two 
were committed to prison, yet lodged in the keeper's house, 
and had what diet they pleased, and none of their friends for- 
bidden to come to them. There was also one Thomas Joy, a 
young fellow, a carpenter, whom they had employed to get 
hands to the petition; he began to be very busy, and would 
know of the marshal, when he went to search Band's study, if 
his warrant were in the king's name, etc. He was laid hold 
on, and kept in irons about four or five days, and then he hum- 
bled himself, confessed what he knew, and blamed himself for 
meddling in matters belonging not to him, and blessed God 
for these irons upon his legs, hoping they should do him good 

^ The great risks for those who gave their names will explain the small number 
of signers. 


while he lived. So he was let out upon reasonable bail. But 
Smith and Dand would not be examined, and therefore were 
not bailed; but their offence being in nature capital, etc., 
bail might be refused in that regard. 

For their trial at the general court in (4) 47 {June, 1647), 
and the sentence against them, etc., it is set down at large in 
the records of that court, with their petitions and queries in- 
tended for England, and all proceedings. Mr. Dand not being 
able to pay his fine of two hundred pounds, nor willing to ac- 
knowledge his offence, was kept in prison ; but at the general 
court (3) 48 {May, 1648), upon his humble submission, he was 
freely discharged.* 

Mr. Winslow being now to go for England, etc., the court 
was troubled how to furnish him with money or beaver, (for 
there was nothing in the treasury, the country being in debt 
one thousand pounds, and what comes in by levies is com or 
cattle,) but the Lord stirred up the hearts of some few persons 
to lend one hundred pounds, to be repaid by the next levy. 
Next we went in hand to draw up his commission and instruc- 
tions, and a remonstrance and a petition to the commissioners 
in England, which were as follows: 

To the right honorable Robert, Earl of Warwick, governor in chief, 
lord admiral, and other the lords and gentlemen, commissioners for for- 
eign plantations, the humble remonstrance and petition of the governor 
and company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England in America. 

In way of answer to the petition and declaration of Samuel Gorton, 

Whereas by virtue of his majesty's charter, granted to your petitioners 

* Dr. Robert Child, whose boldness was met by such severe checks, was a 
young man well trained and connected, the reputed holder of a degree in medicine 
from the University of Padua, in Italy. Thomas Joy, a man of humbler station, 
but perhaps no less courageous and self-sacrificing, was the ancestor of an im- 
portant Boston family. The recalcitrants appear to have believed that a sub- 
version of the existing colonial government would be an easy matter; notice 
Smith's remark above. Winthrop and his party plainly appreciated their danger, 
and sent their best man, Edward Winslow, to present to the powers in England 
their carefully worded statement. 


in the fourth year of his highness's reign, we were incorporated into a body 
politic with divers Hberties and privileges extending to that part of New 
England where we now inhabit, we do acknowledge (as we have always 
done, and as in duty we are bound) that, although we are removed out of 
our native country, yet we still have dependence upon that state, and owe 
allegiance and subjection thereunto, according to our charter, and ac- 
cordingly we have mourned and rejoiced therewith, and have held friends 
and enemies in common with it, in all the changes which have befallen 
it. Our care and endeavor also hath been to frame our government and 
administrations to the fundamental rules thereof, so far as the different 
condition of this place and people, and the best light we have from the 
word of God, will allow. And whereas, by order from your honors, dated 
May 15, 1646, we find that your honors have still that good opinion of 
us, as not to credit what hath been informed against us before we be 
heard, we render humble thanks to your honors for the same; yet foras- 
much as our answer to the information of the said Gorton, etc, is ex- 
pected, and something also required of us, which (in all humble submis- 
sion) we conceive may be prejudicial to the liberties granted us by the 
said charter, and to our well being in this remote part of the world, (under 
the comfort whereof, through the blessing of the Lord, his majesty's 
favor, and the special care and bounty of the high court of parliament, 
we have lived in peace and prosperity these seventeen years,) our humble 
petition (in the first place) is, that our present and future conformity to 
your orders and directions may be accepted with a salvo jure, that when 
times may be changed, (for all things here below are subject to vanity,) 
and other princes or parliaments may arise, the generations succeeding 
may not have cause to lament, and say, England sent our fathers forth 
with happy liberties, which they enjoyed many years, notwithstanding 
all the enmity and opposition of the prelacy, and other potent adversaries, 
how came we then to lose them, under the favor and protection of that 
state, in such a season, when England itself recovered its own ? In freto 
viximus, in portu morimur. But we confide in your honors' justice, 
wisdom, and goodness, that our posterity shall have cause to rejoice under 
the fruit and shelter thereof, as ourselves and many others do; and 
therefore we are bold to represent to your honors our apprehensions, 
whereupon we have thus presumed to petition you in this behalf. 

It appears to us, by the said order, that we are conceived, 1. to have 
transgressed our limits, by sending soldiers to fetch in Gorton, etc., out 
of Shaomett in the Narragansett Bay, 2. that we have either exceeded or 
abused our authority, in banishing them out of our jurisdiction, when 
they were in our power. For the first we humbly crave (for your better 


satisfaction) that your honors will be pleased to peruse what we have 
delivered to the care of Mr. Edward Winslow, our agent or commissioner, 
(whom we have sent on purpose to attend your honors,) concerning our 
proceedings in that affair and the grounds thereof, which are truly and 
faithfully reported, and the letters of the said Gorton and his company, 
and other letters concerning them, faithfully copied out (not verbatim 
only, but even literatim, according to their own bad English). The 
originals we have by us, and had sent them, but for casualty of the seas. 
Thereby it will appear what the men are, and how unworthy your favor. 
Thereby also will appear the wrongs and provocations we received from 
them, and our long patience towards them, till they became our professed 
enemies, wrought us disturbance, and attempted our ruin. In which 
case, our charter (as we conceive) gives us full power to deal with them 
as enemies by force of arms, they being then in such place where we could 
have no right from them by civil justice; which the commissioners for 
the United Colonies finding, and the necessity of calling them to account, 
left the business [to us] to do. 

For the other particular in your honor's order, viz., the banishment 
of Gorton, etc., as we are assured, upon good grounds, that our sentence 
upon them was less than their deserving, so (as we conceive) we had 
sufficient authority, by our charter, to inflict the same, having full and 
absolute power and authority to punish, pardon, rule, govern, etc., granted 
us therein. 

Now, by occasion of the said order, those of Gorton's company begin 
to lift up their heads and speak their pleasures of us, threatening the poor 
Indians also, who (to avoid their tyranny) had submitted themselves and 
their lands under our protection and government; and divers other 
sachems, following their example, have done the like, and some of them 
brought (by the labor of one of our elders, Mr. John Eliot, who hath ob- 
tained to preach to them in their own language) to good forwardness in 
embracing the gospel of God in Christ Jesus. All which hopeful begin- 
nings are like to be dashed, if Gorton, etc., shall be countenanced and 
upheld against them and us, which also will endanger our peace here at 
home. For some among ourselves (men of unquiet spirits, affecting rule 
and innovation) have taken boldness to prefer scandalous and seditious 
petitions for such liberties as neither our charter, nor reason or religion 
will allow; and being called before us in open court to give account of 
their miscarriage therein, they have threatened us with your honor's 
authority, and (before they knew whether we would proceed to any 
sentence against them, or not) have refused to answer, but appealed to 
your honors. The copy of their petition, and our declaration thereupon. 


our said commissioner hath ready to present to you, when your leisure 
shall permit to hear them. Their appeals we have not admitted, being 
assured, that they cannot stand with the liberty and power granted us by 
our charter, nor will be allowed by your honors, who well know it would 
be destructive to all government, both in the honor and also in the power 
of it, if it should be in the liberty of delinquents to evade the sentence of 
justice, and force us, by appeal, to follow them into England, where the 
evidence and circiunstances of facts cannot be so clearly held forth as in 
their proper place; besides the insupportable charges we must be at in 
the prosecution thereof. These considerations are not new to your 
honors and the high court of parliament, the records whereof bear witness 
of the wisdom and faithfulness of our ancestors in that great council, who, 
in those times of darkness, when they acknowledged a supremacy in the 
bishops of Rome in all causes ecclesiastical, yet would not allow appeals 
to Rome, etc., to remove causes out of the courts in England. 

Beside, (though we shall readily admit, that the wisdom and experi- 
ence of that great council, and of your honors, as a part thereof, are far 
more able to prescribe rules of government, and to judge of causes, than 
such poor rustics as a wilderness can breed up, yet,) considering the vast 
distance between England and these parts, (which usually abates the 
virtue of the strongest influences,) your counsels and judgments could 
neither be so well grounded, nor so seasonably applied, as might either be 
so useful to us, or so safe for yourselves, in your discharge, in the great 
day of account, for any miscarriage which might befal us, while we de- 
pended upon your counsel and help, which could not seasonably be ad- 
ministered to us. Whereas if any such should befal us, when we have 
the government in our own hands, the state of England shall not answer 
for it. In consideration of the premises, our humble petition to your 
honors (in the next place) is, that you will be pleased to continue your 
favorable aspect upon these poor infant plantations, that we may still 
rejoice and bless our God under your shadow, and be there still nourished 
(tanquam calore et rore coelesti;) and while God owns us for a people of 
his, he will own our poor prayers for you, and your goodness towards 
us, for an abundant recompense. And this in special, if you shall please 
to pass by any failings you may have observed in our course, to confirm 
our liberties, granted to us by charter, by leaving delinquents to our just 
proceedings, and discountenancing our enemies and disturbers of our 
peace, or such as molest our people there, upon pretence of injustice. 
Thus craving pardon, if we have presumed too far upon your honors' 
patience, and expecting a gracious testimony of your wonted favor by 
this our agent, which shall further oblige us and our posterity in all 


humble and faithful service to the high court of parliament and to your 
honors, we continue our earnest prayers for your prosperity forever. 

By order of the general court. 
(10) (December) 46. Increase Nowell, Secretary. 

John Winthrop, Governor. 

The copy of the commission to Mr. Winslow. 

Mattachusetts in New England in America. 

"Whereas Samuel Gorton, John Greene, and Randall Holden, by 
petition and declaration exhibited to the right honorable the Earl of 
Warwick, governor in chief, and commissioners for foreign plantations, 
as members of the high court of parliament, have charged divers false and 
scandalous matters against us, whereof their honors have been pleased to 
give us notice, and do expect our answer for clearing the same, we therefore 
the governor and company of the Mattachusetts aforesaid, assembled 
in our general court, being careful to give all due respect to his lordship 
and the honorable commissioners, and having good assurance of the wis- 
dom and faithfulness of you, our worthy and loving friend, Mr. Edward 
Winslow, do hereby give power and commission to you to appear before 
his lordship and commissioners, and presenting our most humble duty 
and service to their honors, for us and in our name to exhibit our humble 
remonstrance and petition, in way of answer to the said false and unjust 
charge of the said Gorton, etc., and by the same and other writings and 
instructions delivered to you under the hand of Mr. Increase Nowell our 
secretary, to inform their honors of the truth and reason of all our pro- 
ceedings with the said Gorton, etc., so as our innocency and the justice 
of our proceedings may appear to their honors' satisfaction. And if any 
other complaints, in any kind, have been, or shall be, made against us 
before the said commissioners, or before the high court of parliament, 
you have hereby like power and commission to answer on our behalf ac- 
cording to your instructions. And we humbly crave of the high court 
of parliament and of the honorable commissioners, that they will vouch- 
safe our said commissioner free liberty of seasonable access, as occasion 
shall require, and a favorable hearing, with such credit to such writings 
as he shall present in our name, under the hand of our said secretary, as 
if we had presented them in person, upon that faith and credit, which we 
would not wittingly violate, for all worldly advantages ; and that our said 
commissioner may find such speed and despatch, and may be under such 
safe protection, in his stay and return, as that honorable court useth to 


afford to their humble subjects and servants in like cases. In testimony 
hereof we have caused our common seal to be hereunto affixed, dated 
this 4 (10) 1646. 

By order of the court. 

Increase Nowell, Secretary. 
John Winthrop, Governor. 

Mr. Winslow his instructions were of two sorts; the one 
(which he might pubhsh, etc.) were only directions, according 
to his commission, and remonstrance and other writings 
dehvered him. The other were more secret, which were these 

If you shall be demanded about these particulars: — 

Obj. 1. Why we make not out our process in the king's name? you 
shall answer: — 

1. That we should thereby waive the power of our government 
granted to us, for we claim not as by commission, but by a free donation 
of absolute government, 2. for avoiding appeals, etc. 

Obj. 2. That our government is arbitrary. 

Answer. We have four or five hundred express laws, as near the laws 
of England as may be; and yearly we make more, and where we have 
no law, we judge by the word of God, as near as we can. 

Obj. 3. About enlarging our limits, etc. 

Answer. Such Indians as are willing to come under our government, 
we know no reason to refuse. Some Indians we have subdued by just 
war, as the Pequids. Some English also, having purchased lands of the 
Indians, have submitted to our government. 

Obj. 4. About our subjection to England. 

Answer 1. We are to pay the one fifth part of ore of gold and silver. 

2. In being faithful and firm to the state of England, endeavoring 
to walk with God in upholding his truth, etc., and praying for it. 

3. In framing our government according to our patent, so near as 
we may. 

Obj. 5. About exercising admiral jurisdiction. 
Answer 1 . We are not restrained by our charter. 

2. We have power given us to rule, punish, pardon, etc., in all cases, 
ergo in maritime. 

3. We have power granted us to defend ourselves and offend our 


enemies, as well by sea as by land, ergo we must needs have power to 
judge of such cases. 

4. Without this, neither our own people nor strangers could have 
justice from us in such cases. 

Obj. 6. About our independency upon that state. 

Answer. Our dependency is in these points : 1. we have received our 
government and other privileges by our charter, 2. we owe allegiance 
and fidelity to that state, 3. in erecting a government here accordingly 
and subjecting thereto, we therein yield subjection to that state, 4. in 
rendering the one fifth part of ore, etc., 5. we depend upon that state for 
protection, and immunities as freeborn Englishmen. 

Obj. 7. Seeing we hold of East Greenwich, etc., why every freeholder 
of forty shillings per annum have not votes in elections, etc., as in England. 

Answer. Our charter gives that liberty expressly to the freemen only. 

Obj. 8. By your charter, such as we transport are to live under his 
majesty's allegiance. 

Answer. So they all do, and so intended, so far as we know. 

Obj. 9. About a general governor. 

Answer 1. Our charter gives us absolute power of government. 

2. On the terms above specified, we conceive, the patent hath no 
such thing in it, neither expressed, nor implied. 

3. We had not transported ourselves and families upon such terms. 

4. Other plantations have been undertaken at the charge of others 
in England, and the planters have their dependence upon the companies 
there, and those planters go and come chiefly for matter of profit; but 
we came to abide here, and to plant the gospel, and people the country, 
and herein God hath marvellously blessed us. 


(1.) (March.)] At the court of assistants, three or four were 
sent for, who had been very active about the petition to the 
commissioners in procuring hands to it, (it being thought fit 
to pass by such as being drawn in had only subscribed the 
petition,) especially Mr. Samuel Maverick and Mr. Clerk of 
Salem, the keeper of the ordinary there and a church member. 
These having taken an oath of fideUty to the government, and 
enjoying all Uberties of freemen, their offence was far the 
greater. So they were bound over to answer it at the next 
general court. 

Mr. Smith and Mr. Dand (giving security to pay their fines, 
assessed upon the former petition, within two months) were 
bailed to the general court. 

Dr. Child also was offered his liberty, upon bail to the gen- 
eral court, and to be confined to Boston ; but he chose rather 
to go to prison, and so he was committed. 

The reason of referring these and others to the general court 
was, both in regard the cause was of so great concernment, as 
the very hfe and foundation of our government, and also be- 
cause the general court had cognizance thereof already upon 
the first petition.^ 

Mr. Burton, one of the petitioners, being in the town 

* The record here concluded, deserves careful reading. The heads in New 
England proceed warily. In disturbed England, whether the King or Parliament 
was to prevail, and what was to be the situation, was involved in doubt. Behind 
the shield of their charter they determined, if they could, to establish a large de- 
gree of independence, but it must be noted that independence at this time was 
coupled with ecclesiastical domination and general loss of liberty, whereas depend- 
ence would bring to the colonies the far freer atmosphere of England. For 
severe contemporary criticism of the petition Winslow was to present, see Edward 
Johnson, Wonder-Working Providence, book in., chap. in. 



meeting, when the court's declaration was read, was much 
moved, and spake in high language, and would needs have a 
copy of it, which so soon as he had, he went with it (as was 
undoubtedly believed) to Dr. Child, and in the way fell down, 
and lay there in the cold near half an hour, till company was 
gotten to carry him home in a chair, and after he continued in 
great pain, and lame divers months. 

It is observable that this man had gathered some provi- 
dences about such as were against them, as that Mr. Winslow's 
horse died, as he came riding to Boston ; that his brother's son 
(a child of eight years old) had killed his own sister (being ten 
years of age) with his father's piece, etc., and his great trouble 
was, least this providence which now befel him, should be im- 
puted to their cause. 

There fell out at this time a very sad occasion. A merchant 
of Plymouth in England, (whose father had been mayor there,) 
called [blank] Martin, being fallen into decay, came to Casco 
Bay, and after some time, having occasion to return into Eng- 
land, he left behind him two daughters, (very proper maidens 
and of modest behavior,) but took not that course for their safe 
bestowing in his absence, as the care and wisdom of a father 
should have done, so as the eldest of them, called Mary, twenty- 
two years of age, being in [the] house with one Mr. Mitton, 
a married man of Casco, within one quarter of a year, he was 
taken with her, and soliciting her chastity, obtained his desire, 
and having divers times committed sin with her, in the space 
of three months, she then removed to Boston, and put herself 
in service to Mrs. Bourne ; and finding herself to be with child, 
and not able to bear the shame of it, she concealed it, and 
though divers did suspect it, and some told her mistress their 
fears, yet her behavior was so modest, and so faithful she was 
in her service, as her mistress would not give ear to any such 
report, but blamed such as told her of it. But, her time being 
come, she was delivered of a woman child in a back room by 
herself upon the 13 (10) (December 13) in the night, and the 


child was born alive, but she kneeled upon the head of it, till 
she thought it had been dead, and having laid it by, the child, 
being strong, recovered, and cried again. Then she took it 
again, and used violence to it till it was quite dead. Then she 
put it into her chest, and having cleansed the room, she went to 
bed, and arose again the next day about noon, and went about 
her business, and so continued till the nineteenth day, that her 
master and mistress went on shipboard to go for England. 
They being gone, and she removed to another house, a midwife 
in the town, having formerly suspected her, and now coming to 
her again, found she had been delivered of a child, which, upon 
examination, she confessed, but said it was still-born, and so 
she put it into the fire. But, search being made, it was found 
in her chest, and when she was brought before the jury, they 
caused her to touch the face of it, whereupon the blood came 
fresh into it.* Whereupon she confessed the whole truth, and 
a surgeon, being called to search the body of the child, found a 
fracture in the skull. Before she was condemned, she con- 
fessed, that she had prostituted her body to another also, one 
Sears. She behaved herself very penitently while she was in 
prison, and at her death, 18 (1,) {March 18) complaining much 
of the hardness of her heart. She confessed, that the first and 
second time she committed fornication, she prayed for pardon, 
and promised to commit it no more; and the third time she 
prayed God, that if she did fall into it again, he would make 
her an example, and therein she justified God, as she did 
in the rest. Yet all the comfort God would afford her, was 
only trust (as she said) in his mercy through Christ. After 
she was turned off and had hung a space, she spake, and 
asked what they did mean to do. Then some stepped up, 
and turned the knot of the rope backward, and then she 
soon died. 

Mention was made before of some beginning to instruct the 

* In this pitiful tale appears, as in a previous case, a very old and wide-spread 


Indians, etc. Mr. John Eliot, teacher of the church of Roxbury, 
found such encouragement, as he took great pains to get their 
language, and in a few months could speak of the things of 
God to their understanding ; and God prospered his endeavors, 
so as he kept a constant lecture to them in two places, one 
week at the wigwam of one Wabon, a new sachem near Water- 
town mill, and the other the next week in the wigwam of 
Cutshamekin near Dorchester mill. And for the furtherance 
of the work of God, divers of the English resorted to his lecture, 
and the governor and other of the magistrates and elders 
sometimes ; and the Indians began to repair thither from other 
parts. His manner of proceeding was thus ; he would persuade 
one of the other elders or some magistrate to begin the exercise 
with prayer in Enghsh ; then he took a text, and read it first in 
the Indian language, and after in Enghsh ; then he preached to 
them in Indian about an hour ; (but first I should have spoke 
of the catechising their children, who were soon brought 
to answer him some short questions, whereupon he gave each 
of them an apple or a cake) then he demanded of some of 
the chiefs, if they understood him ; if they answered, yea, then 
he asked of them if they had any questions to propound. And 
they had usually two or three or more questions, which he did 
resolve. At one time (when the governor was there and about 
two himdred people, Indian and English, in one wigwam of 
Cutshamekin 's) an old man asked him, if God would receive 
such an old man as he was ; to whom he answered by opening 
the parable of the workmen that were hired into the vineyard ; 
and when he had opened it, he asked the old man, if he did 
beheve it, who answered he did, and was ready to weep. A 
second question was, what was the reason, that when all Eng- 
hshmen did know God, yet some of them were poor. His 
answer was, 1. that God knows it is better for his children to 
be good than to be rich ; he knows withal, that if some of them 
had riches, they would abuse them, and wax proud and wanton, 
etc., therefore he gives them no more riches than may be need- 


ful for them, that they may be kept from pride, etc., to depend 
upon him, 2. he would hereby have men know, that he hath 
better blessings to bestow upon good men than riches, etc., and 
that their best portion is in heaven, etc. A third question was, 
if a man had two wives, (which was ordinary with them,) seeing 
he must put away one, which he should put away. To this it 
was answered, that by the law of God the first is the true wife, 
and the other is no wife ; but if such a case fell out, they should 
then repair to the magistrates, and they would direct them 
what to do, for it might be, that the first wife might be an 
adulteress, etc., and then she was to be put away. When all 
their questions were resolved, he concluded with prayer in the 
Indian language. 

The Indians were usually very attentive, and kept their 
children so quiet as caused no disturbance. Some of them 
began to be seriously affected, and to imderstand the things of 
God, and they were generally ready to reform whatsoever they 
were told to be against the word of God, as their sorcery, 
(which they call powwowing,) their whoredoms, etc., idleness, 
etc. The Indians grew very inquisitive after knowledge both 
in things divine and also human, so as one of them, meeting 
with an honest plain Englishman, would needs know of him, 
what were the first beginnings (which we call principles) of a 
commonwealth. The EngHshman, being far short in the 
knowledge of such matters, yet ashamed that an Indian should 
find an EngUshman ignorant of any thing, bethought himself 
what answer to give him, at last resolved upon this, viz. that 
the first principle of a commonwealth was salt, for (saith 
he) by means of salt we can keep our flesh and fish, to have 
it ready when we need it, whereas you lose much for want 
of it, and are sometimes ready to starve. A second principle is 
iron, for thereby we fell trees, build houses, till our land, etc. 
A third is, ships, by which we carry forth such commodities as 
we have to spare, and fetch in such as we need, as cloth, wine, 
etc. Alas! (saith the Indian) then I fear, we shall never be 


a commonwealth, for we can neither make salt, nor iron, nor 

It pleased God so to prosper our fishing this season, as that 
at Marblehead only they had taken by the midst of the (11) 
month (January) about four thousand pounds worth of fish. 

(10.) {December. )Y But the Lord was still pleased to afflict 
us in our shipping, for Major Gibbons and Captain Leverett 
having sent a new ship of about one hundred tons to Virginia, 
and having there freighted her with tobacco, going out of the 
river, by a sudden storm was forced on shore from her anchor, 
and much of the goods spoiled, to the loss (as was estimated) of 
above two thousand pounds. 

I must here observe a special providence of God, pointing 
out his displeasure against some profane persons, who took 
part with Dr. Child, etc., against the government and churches 
here. The com't had appointed a general fast, to seek God (as 
for some other occasions, so) in the trouble which threatened 
us by the petitioners, etc. The pastor of Hingham, and others 
of his church (being of their party) made light of it, and some 
said they would not fast against Dr. Child and against them- 
selves; and there were two of them (one Pitt and Jolmson) 

' The apostleship of John Eliot will always be held one of the most creditable 
episodes of our early history. Winthrop's picture of his labors may be easily 
filled out, for Eliot's worth has always been recognized and celebrated by all 
New England histories from William Hubbard and Cotton Mather to Palfrey 
and Edward Everett Hale. See also his life by Francis in Sparks's American 
Biography, first series. His great distinction was his labor among the Indians, 
crowned by his colossal work, the translation of the Bible into Indian (Cambridge, 
1662, second edition, 1680). The Christian Commonwealth, which he wrote in 
1660, was not approved, and he, although so much respected, was called sharply 
to account for it. With that curious facility in retraction which one notices in 
characters high and low, in John Cotton as well as John Underbill, he recanted 
and was restored to favor. He had a savage animosity to the sin of wearing wigs, 
sympathizing here with Cotton Mather, who writes, " for men to wear their hair 
with luxurious, delicate, feminine prolixity, or to disfigure themselves with hair 
which was not of their own, but above all for ministers of the gospel to ruffle it 
in excesses of this kind," was an enormous sin. Eliot's prejudice against tobacco 
was equally strong. In the list of our old worthies, he is as brave and persist- 
ent as any, and especially marked by amiability among men so often repulsively 
harsh. * 1646. 


who, having a great raft of masts and planks (worth forty or 
fifty pounds) to tow to Boston, would needs set forth about 
noon the day before (it being impossible they could get to Bos- 
ton before the fast;) but when they came at Castle Island, 
there arose such a tempest, as carried away their raft, and 
forced them to cut their mast to save their lives. Some of 
their masts and planks they recovered after, where it had been 
cast on shore ; but when they came with it to the Castle, they 
were forced back again, and were so oft put back with contrary 
winds, etc., as it was above a month before they could bring all 
the remainder to Boston. 

Prescott, another favorer of the petitioners, lost a horse and 
his lading in Sudbury river; and a week after, his wife and 
children, being upon another horse, were hardly saved from 

A woman of Charlestown having two daughters, aged under 
fourteen, sent them to the tide-mill near by with a little com. 
They delivered their corn at the mill, and returning back (they 
dwelt towards Cambridge) they were not seen till three months 
after, supposed to be carried away by the tide, which was then 
above the marsh. This was 13 (11) (January 13). 

(1.) (March.)] In the midst of this month a small pinnace 
was set out for Barbados with [blank] persons and store of 
provisions. It was her fii'st voyage, and 2 (3) (May 2) after 
she was put on shore at Scituate, the goods in her, but not a 
man, nor any of their clothes. 

The merchants of Boston had set forth a small ship to trade 
about the Gulf of Canada, and they had certificate under the 
public seal to that end. They set sail from Boston the midst 
of the (1) month (March), and by tempest were forced into an 
harbor near Cape Sable, and having lost their boat, and forced 
to let slip their cables, were driven on ground, and having staid 
there about four days, Mr. D'Aulney having intelligence of 
them, sent eighteen men by land, who finding eleven of ours on 
shore, without weapons, surprised them, and after the ship, 


having but six men in her ; and being carried to Port Royal, he 
examined them upon oath, whether they had traded, which 
they had not done, only the merchant had received two beaver 
skins, given him by the sachem; for which, (notwithstanding 
he allowed their commission,) after he had kept them thi-ee 
weeks prisoners, he kept their ship and goods to the value 
of one thousand pounds, and sent them home in two shallops, 
meanly provided, and without any lead [?], etc. This is more 
fully set down after, fol. 99. 

One [blank] of Windsor arraigned and executed at Hartford 
for a witch.* 

1647. 30 (3.) (May 30.)] In the evening there was heard 
the report as of a great piece of ordnance. It was heard all over 
the Bay, and all along to Yarmouth, etc., and there it seemed 
as if it had been to the southward of them. 

26.] The court of elections was at Boston. Great laboring 
there had been by the friends of the petitioners to have one 
chosen governor, who favored their cause, and some new mag- 
istrates to have been chosen of their side ; but the mind of the 
coimtry appeared clearly, for the old governor was chosen 
again, with two or three hundred votes more than any other, 
and no one new magistrate was chosen but only captain Robert 

Captain Welde of Roxbury being dead, the young men of 
the town agreed together to choose one George Denison,^ a 
young soldier come lately out of the wars in England, which 
the ancient and chief men of the town understanding, they 
came together at the time appointed, and chose one Mr. 
Prichard, a godly man and one of the chief in the town, passing 
by their Heutenant, fearing least the young Denison would 

^ Savage noted this as the first instance in New England of the witchcraft 
delusion. The case is not mentioned by other historians. 

^ George Dennison had imbibed in Cromwell's army, ideas and a spirit 
which did not commend him to the Roxbury brethren, whose minister had been 
the strict Thomas Welde, but he was a brave and active soldier, as was proved 
in Philip's War. 


have carried it from him, whereupon much discontent and 
murmuring arose in the town. The young men were over 
strongly bent to have their will, although their election was void 
in law, (George Denison not being then a freeman,) and the 
ancient men over- voted them above twenty, and the lieutenant 
was discontented because he was neglected, etc. The cause 
coming to the court, and all parties being heard, Mr. Prichard 
was allowed, and the young men were pacified, and the lieu- 

4 (4.) {June 4.)] Canonicus, the great sachem of Narragan- 
sett, died, a very old man.^ 

8. (4.) {June 8.)] The sjmod began again at Cambridge. 
The next day Mr. Ezekiel Rogers of Rowley preached in the 
forenoon, and the magistrates and deputies were present, and 
in the afternoon Mr. Eliot preached to the Indians in their own 
language before all the assembly. Mr. Rogers in his sermon 
took occasion to speak of the petitioners, (then in question 
before the court,) and exhorted the court to do justice upon 
them, yet with desire of favor to such as had been drawn in, 
etc., and should submit. He reproved also the practice of 
private members making speeches in the church assemblies to 
the disturbance and hindrance of the ordinances, also the call 
for the reviving the ancient practice in England of children 
asking their parents' blessing upon their knees, etc. Also he 
reproved the great oppression in the country, etc., and other 
things amiss, as long hair, etc. Divers were offended at his 
zeal in some of these passages. Mr. Bradford, the governor of 
Plymouth, was there as a messenger of the church of Plym- 
outh. But the sickness (mentioned here in the next leaf) 
prevailed so as divers of the members of the synod were 
taken with it, whereupon they were forced to break up on the 

The success of Mr. Eliot's labors in preaching to the Indians 

^ A faithful friend of the EngHsh who merited from the governor some ap- 
preciative words. 


appears in a small book set forth by Mr. Shepherd and by other 
observations in the country/ 

1646. 19, (1.) (March 19.)] One captain Dobson in a ship 
of eighty tons, double manned and fitted for a man of war, was 
set forth from Boston to trade to the eastward. Their testi- 
monial was for the gulf of Canada. But being taken with 
foul weather, and having lost their boat, they put into harbor 
at Cape Sable, and there shooting ofT five or six pieces of ord- 
nance, the Indians came aboard them, and traded some skins; 
and withal Mr. D'Aulney had notice, and presently sent away 
twenty men over land, (being about thirty miles from Port 
Royal,) who lurking in the woods for their advantage, provi- 
dence offered them a very fair one. For the ship, having 
bought a shallop of the Indians, and being under sail, in the 
mouth of the harbor, the wind came about southerly with such 
violence, as forced them to an anchor; and having lost all their 
anchors, they were forced on shore, yet without danger of ship- 
wreck. Whereupon the master and merchant and most of the 
company went on shore (leaving but six men aboard) and car- 
ried no weapons with them, which the French perceiving, they 
came upon them and bound them, and carried the master to 
the ship's side, who commanded the men aboard to yield up the 
ship. The French being possessed of the ship, carried her to 
Port Royal, and left some of their company to conduct the rest 
by land. WTien they came there, they were all imprisoned, and 
examined apart upon oath, and having confessed that they had 
traded, etc., the ship and cargo (being worth in all one thousand 
poimds) was kept as confiscated, and the men were put into 
two old shallops and sent home, and arrived at Boston 6 (3) 
(May 6) 47. The merchants complained to the court for 

' The reference is to Rev. Thomas Shepard's The Day-Breaking if not the 
Sun-Rising of the Gospell with the Indians in New England (London, 1647), 
reprinted in 1865, and in Old South Leaflets, no. 143, or to his The Clear Sun- 
Shine of the Gospel breaking forth upon the Indians in New England (1648), re- 
printed 1834, 1865; and perhaps also to a preceding anonymous tract, New 
England's First Fruits (London, 1643), reprinted 1865. 


redress, and offered to set forth a good ship, to deal with some 
of D'Aulney's vessels, but the court thought it not safe nor 
expedient for us to begin a war with the French ; nor could we 
charge any manifest wrong upon D'Aulney, seeing we had told 
him, that if ours did trade within his liberties, they should do it 
at their own peril. And though we judged it an injury to 
restrain the natives and others from trading, etc., (they being 
a free people,) yet, it being a common practice of all civil 
nations, his seizure of our ship would be accounted lawful, and 
our letters of reprisal unjust. And besides there appeared an 
over-ruling providence in it, otherwise he could not have seized 
a ship so well fitted, nor could wise men have lost her so fool- 

At Concord a bullock was killed which had in his maw a 
ten shilling piece of Enghsh gold, and yet it could not be 
known that any had lost it. 

A barn at Salem was set on fire with lightning, and all the 
corn and hay consumed suddenly. It fell upon the thatch in 
the breadth of a sheet, in the view of people. 

(4.) (June.)] An epidemical sickness was through the 
country among Indians and EngUsh, French and Dutch. It 
took them Hke a cold, and a hght fever with it. Such as bled or 
used cooUng drinks died; those who took comfortable things, 
for most part recovered, and that in few days. Wherein a 
special providence of God appeared, for not a family, nor but 
few persons escaping it, had it brought all so weak as it did 
some, and continued so long, our hay and com had been lost 
for want of help ; but such was the mercy of God to his people, 
as few died, not above forty or fifty in the Massachusetts, and 
near as many at Connecticut. But that which made the stroke 
more sensible and grievous, both to them and to all the country, 
was the death of that faithful servant of the Lord, Mr. Thomas 
Hooker, pastor of the church in Hartford, who, for piety, pru- 
dence, wisdom, zeal, learning, and what else might make him 
serviceable in the place and time he lived in, might be com- 


pared with men of greatest note; and he shall need no other 
praise : the fruits of his labors in both Englands shall preserve 
an honorable and happy remembrance of him forever/ 

14, (4.) {June 14.)] In this sickness the governor's wife, 
daughter of Sir John Tindal, Knight, left this world for a better, 
being about fifty-six years of age : a woman of singular virtue, 
prudence, modesty, and piety, and specially beloved and 
honored of all the country.^ 

The meeting of the commissioners of the colonies should, in 
course, have been at Plymouth in the sixth month next, but 
upon special occasion of the Indians there was a meeting ap- 
pointed at Boston [6ZanA;] which continued to the 17 (6) (August 
17) next. The chief occasion was, that Ninicraft,^ the sachem 
of Niantick, had professed his desire to be reconciled to the 
English, etc., and that many Indians would complain of 
Uncas and his brother their falsehood and cruelty, etc., if they 
might come to Boston to be heard there. 

The general court made an order, that all elections of gov- 
ernor, etc., should be by papers deUvered in to the deputies 
before the court, as it was before permitted. This was dis- 
liked by the freemen, and divers of the new towns petitioned 
for the repeal of it, as an infringement of their liberties; for 
when they consented to send their deputies with full power, 
etc., they reserved to themselves matter of election, as appears 
by the record of the court [blank]. Upon these petitions the 
said order was repealed, and it was referred to the next court 

*The judgment of posterity bears out this warm contemporary tribute. 
In courage, humanity and wisdom the founder of Connecticut stands among the 
best men of his time. 

^The virtues of Margaret Winthrop, the governor's third wife, are richly 
attested. She received the esteem of all, and her husband's affection was pro- 
found. Her letters still extant (see R. C. Winthrop, Life of John Winthrop) 
while over-unctuous with the inevitable effusive piety of the age, at the same 
time show the helpful, sweet-hearted woman. She has been made in our own 
day the subject of an attractive memoir by Mrs. Earle. 

^ Often spelt Ninigret, reported to have saved on one occasion the life of John 
Winthrop, jr., whose descendants possess a portrait of the sachem. 


of elections to consider of a meet way for ordering elections, 
to the satisfaction of the petitioners and the rest of the free- 
men. But that com-t being full of business, and breaking up 
suddenly, it was put off farther. 

In the depth of winter, in a very tempestuous night, the fort 
at Saybrook was set on fire, and all the buildings within the pal- 
isado, with all the goods, etc., were burnt down, captain Mason, 
his wife, and children, hardly saved. The loss was estimated 
at one thousand pounds, and not known how the fire came. 

Captain Bridges house at Lynn burnt down 27 (2) 48.^ 

At Newfoundland, towards the end of the fishing season, 
there was a great hiracano in the night, which caused a great 
wreck of ships and boats, and much fish blown off the shore 
into the sea. Some small vessels we had there, but through 
mercy none of them miscarried. 

The United Colonies having made strict orders to restrain all 
trade of powder and guns to the Indians, by occasion whereof 
the greatest part of the beaver trade was drawn to the French 
and Dutch, by whom the Indians were constantly furnished 
with those things, though they also made profession of like 
restraint, but connived at the practice, so as our means of 
returns for Enghsh commodities were grown very short, it 
pleased the Lord to open to us a trade with Barbados and 
other Islands in the West Indies, which as it proved gainful, so 
the commodities we had in exchange there for our cattle and 
provisions, as sugar, cotton, tobacco, and indigo, were a good 
help to discharge our engagements in England. And this 
summer there was so great a drouth, as their potatoes and corn, 
etc., were burnt up; and divers London sliips which rode there 
were so short of provisions as, if our vessels had not supplied 
them, they could not have returned home; which was an ob- 
servable providence, that whereas many of the London seamen 
were wont to despise New England as a poor, barren country, 
should now be reheved by our plenty. 

1 April 27, 1648. 


After the great dearth of victuals in these islands followed 
presently a great mortahty, (whether it were the plague, or 
pestilent fever, it killed in three days,) that in Barbados there 
died six thousand, and in Christophers, of English and French, 
near as many, and in other islands proportionable. The report 
of this coming to us, by a vessel which came from Fayal, the 
court published an order, that all vessels, which should come 
from the West Indies, should stay at the castle, and not 
come on shore, nor put any goods on shore, without license 
of three of the council, on pain of one hundred pounds, nor 
any to go aboard, etc., except they continued there, etc., on 
like penalty. The like order was sent to Salem and other haven 
towns. ^ 

But one goodman Dell of Boston, coming from Christophers 
in a small pinnace, and being put in to Gloucester, and there 
forbidden to land, and informed of the order of court, yet 
coming into the Bay, and being hailed by the Castle boat, 
and after by the captain of the Castle, denied that he came from 
the West Indies, and having taken in three fishermen (whom 
the captain knew) who joined with him in the same lie, they 
were let pass, and so came on shore at Boston, before it was 
known. But such of the council as were near assembled the 
next day, and sent for some of the company, and upon examina- 
tion finding that the sickness had been ceased at Christophers 
three months before they came forth, so as there could be no 
danger of infection in their persons, they gave them liberty to 
continue on shore; but for cotton and such goods as might 
retain the infection, they ordered them to be laid in an house 
remote, and for Dell, he was bound over to the next court to 
answer his contempt. 

About fourteen days after a ship came from Malago, which 
had staid nine days at Barbados. She was stopped at the 
Castle. The captain brought the master and two others to 
Boston (which he ought not to have done). Four magistrates 

' An early instance of quarantine in English America. 


examined them upon oath, and finding they were all well, save 
two, (who had the flux,) and no goods from Barbados but 
three bags of cotton, which were ordered to be landed, etc., at 
an island, the ship was suffered to come up, but none to come 
on shore for a week after, etc. 

4. (6). (August 4.)] There was a great marriage to be sol- 
emnized at Boston. The bridegroom being of Hingham, Mr. 
Hubbard's church, he was procured to preach, and came to 
Boston to that end. But the magistrates, hearing of it, sent 
to him to forbear. The reasons were, 1. for that his spirit 
had been discovered to be averse to our ecclesiastical and civil 
government, and he was a bold man, and would speak his mind, 
2. we were not willing to bring in the English custom of minis- 
ters performing the solemnity of marriage, which sermons at 
such times might induce, but if any ministers were present, and 
would bestow a word of exhortation, etc., it was permitted. 

The new governor of the Dutch, called Peter Stevesant, 
being arrived at the Monados,* sent his secretary to Boston with 
letters to the governor, with tender of all courtesy and good 
correspondency, but withal taking notice of the differences be- 
tween them and Connecticut, and offering to have them referred 
to friends here, not to determine, but to prepare for a hearing 
and determination in Europe ; in which letter he lays claim to 
all between Connecticut and Delaware. The commissioners 
being assembled at Boston, the governor acquainted them 
with the letter; and it was put to consideration what answer 
to return. Some advised, that seeing he made profession of 
much good will and desire of all neighborly correspondency, 
we should seek to gain upon him by courtesy, and therefore to 
accept his offer, and to tender him a visit at his own home, or 
a meeting at any of our towns where he should choose. But 
the commissioners of those parts thought otherwise, supposing 
it would be more to their advantage to stand upon terms of 
distance, etc. And answer was returned accordingly, only tak- 

^ Petrus Stuyvesant arrived at Manhattan in May, 1647. 


ing notice of his offer, and showing our readiness to give him a 
meeting in time and place convenient. So matters continued 
as they were. 

26. (7). {September 26.)] But it appeared, that a Dutch ship 
from Holland, being in the harbor at New Haven, (where they 
had traded about a month,) was surprised by the Dutch gov- 
ernor and carried to the Monhados. The manner was thus: 
The merchants of New Haven had bought a sliip at the Mon- 
hados, wliich was to be delivered at New Haven. In her the 
Dutch governor put a company of soldiers, who, being imder 
decks when the ship came into New Haven, took their oppor- 
tunity afterward, upon the Lord's day, to seize the Dutch ship, 
and having the wind fair, carried her away. The governor of 
New Haven complained of the injury to the Dutch governor, 
and made a protest, etc. The Dutch governor justified the act 
by examples of the Hke in Europe, etc., but especially by 
claiming the place and so all along the seacoast to Cape Codd. 
He pretended to seize the ship as forfeit to the West India 
Company, by trading in their limits without leave or recogni- 
tion. It fell out at the same time, that three of the Dutch 
governor's servants fled from him and came to New Haven, 
and being pursued, were there apprehended and put in prison. 
The Dutch governor writes to have them delivered to him, but 
directs his letter to New Haven in New Netherlands. Upon 
this the governor of New Haven refused to deliver them, and 
writes back to the Dutch, maintaining their right to the place, 
both by patent from King James, and also by purchase from 
the natives, and by quiet possession and improvement many 
years. He wrote also to the governor of the Massachusetts, 
acquainting him with all that had passed, and desired advice. 
These letters coming to Boston about the time of the general 
court, he acquainted the court with them, and a letter was 
drawn and sent (as from the court) to this purpose, to the 
Dutch governor, viz. that we were very sorry for the difference 
which was fallen out between him and our confederates of 


New Haven ; that we might not withhold assistance from them, 
in case of any injurious violence offered to them; that we ac- 
counted their title to the place they possessed to be as good as 
the Dutch had to the Monhados ; that we would willingly inter- 
pose for a friendly reconciliation ; and that we would write to 
New Haven to persuade the delivery of the fugitives, etc. We 
wrote also to the governor of New Haven to the same purpose, 
intimating to him that at our request he might dehver the fugi- 
tives without prejudice to their right or reputation. But this 
notwithstanding, they detained the fugitives still, nor would 
send our letter to the Dutch governor; whereupon he made 
proclamation of free liberty for all servants, etc., of New 
Haven within his jurisdiction, and wrote to the governor of 
the Massachusetts, blaming the practice in the general, but ex- 
cusing it in his particular case, as being enforced thereto, etc. 
This course not prevailing, about the end of winter he wrote 
privately to the fugitives, and the minister of their church 
wrote also, whereby he gave such assurance to the fugitives, 
both of pardon of what was passed, and satisfaction otherwise, 
as they made an escape and returned home. So that it then 
appeared, that the advice sent from Boston had been better to 
have been put in practice in season, than their own judgment, 
in pursuit whereof this reproach and damage befel them. 

(1.) (March.)] After this the Dutch governor writes to 
our governor in Dutch, complaining of injuries from the gov- 
ernor of New Haven, (calling him the pretended governor, etc.,) 
particularly for wronging his reputation by slanderous reports, 
and proffers to refer all differences (as formerly he had done) 
to the two governors of the Massachusetts and Plymouth, Mr. 
Winthrop and Mr. Bradford, by name, and professing all good 
neighborhood to all the rest of the colonies, with some kind of 
retractation of his former claim to New Haven, etc., as if all 
claim by word or writing, protests, etc., were of no value, so 
long as there is no invasion by force. 

The governor of New Haven, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, he 


writes also about the same time, complaining of the Dutch 
governor, and informing of Indian intelligence of the Dutch 
his animating the natives to war upon the English, and of 
the excessive customs and other ill usage of our vessels ar- 
riving there, propounding withal a prohibition of all trade 
with the Dutch until satisfaction were given. These letters 
being imparted 15 (1) (March 15) to the general court at Bos- 
ton, they thought the matter more weighty and general to the 
concernment of all the country, than that any thing should 
then be determined about it, and more fit for the commissioners 
first to consider of, etc., and retm'ned answer to New Haven 
accordingly. See after 115.^ 

About this time we had intelligence of an observable hand 
of God against the Dutch at New Netherlands, which though it 
were sadly to be lamented in regard of the calamity, yet there 
appeared in it so much of God in favor of his poor people here, 
and displeasure towards such as have opposed and injured them, 
as is not to be passed by without due observation and acknowl- 
edgment. The late governor, Mr. William Kieft, (a sober 
and prudent man,) though he abstained from outward force, 
yet had continually molested the colonies of Hartford and New 
Haven, and used menacings and protests against them, upon 
all occasions, and had burnt down a trading house which New 
Haven had built upon Delaware river, and went for Holland in 
a ship of 400 tons, well manned and richly laden, to the value 
(as was supposed) of twenty thousand pounds, and carried 
away with him two of our people under censure, (the one con- 
demned for rape,) though we pursued them, etc. But in their 
passage in the (8th) month (October), the ship, mistaking the 
channel, was carried into Severn, and cast away upon the coast 
of Wales near Swansey, the governor and eighty other persons 
drowned, and some twenty saved. 

Complaint had been made to the commissioners of the colo- 
nies, at their last meeting, by Pumham and Sacononoco, 

* P. 342 of this edition. 


against the Gortonists (who were now returned to Shaomett, 
and had named it Warwick) for eating up all their corn with 
their cattle, etc. It was left to our commissioners, who wrote 
to some in those parts to view the damages, and require satis- 
faction. But Mr. Coggeshall (who died soon after) and 
other of their magistrates of Rhode Island, came to Shaomett, 
and gave the praisers a warrant imder their hands and one 
of their seals, forbidding them or any other to intermeddle, 
etc., pretending it to be within their jurisdiction, whereupon the 
men returned, and did nothing. And upon another warrant 
from the president, in the name of the commissioners, there 
was nothing done neither; so as the poor Indians were in dan- 
ger to be starved, etc. Upon their farther complaints to us, the 
general court in the (1) month (il/arc/i) sent three messengers to 
demand satisfaction for the Indians, and for other wrongs to 
some English there, and to command them to depart the place, 
as belonging to us, etc. They used our messengers with more 
respect than formerly, but gave no satisfaction, bearing them- 
selves upon their charter, etc. We could do no more at present, 
but we procured the Indians some com in the mean time. 

In the agitation of this matter in the general court, some 
moved to have an order (upon refusal of satisfaction, etc.) to 
send forces presently against them ; but others thought better 
to forbear any resolution until the return of our messengers, 
and the rather because we expected our agent out of England 
shortly, by whom we should know more of the success of our 
petition to the parhament, etc., it being very probable, that 
their charter would be called in, as illegal, etc., and this coun- 
sel prevailed. 

It may be now seasonable to set down what success it 
pleased the Lord to give Mr. Winslow, our agent, with the par- 

Mr. Winslow set sail from Boston about the middle of lOber. 
(December), 1646, and carried such commissions, instructions, 
etc., as are before mentioned. Upon his arrival in England, 


and delivery of his letters to the Earl of Warwick, Sir Henry 
Vane, etc., from the governor, he had a day appointed for 
audience before the committee, and Gorton and other of his 
company appeared also to justify their petition and informa- 
tion, which they had formerly exhibited against the court, etc., 
for making war upon them, and keeping them prisoners, etc. 
But after that our agent had showed the two letters they wrote 
to us from Shaomett, and the testimony of the court, and some 
of the elders, concerning their blasphemous heresies and other 
miscarriages, it pleased the Lord to bring about the hearts of 
the committees, so as they discerned of Gorton, etc., what they 
were and of the justice of our proceedings against them ; only 
they were not satisfied in this, that they were not within our 
jurisdiction, etc., to which our agent pleaded tw^o things, 1. that 
they were within the jurisdiction of Plymouth or Connecticut, 
and so the orders of the commissioners of the United Colonies 
had left them to us, 2. the Indians (upon whose lands they 
dwelt) had subjected themselves and their land to our govern- 
ment. Whereupon the committee made this order following, 
which they directed in form of a letter to Massachusetts, 
Plymouth, and Connecticut, (one to each) viz. 

After our hearty commendations. 

In our late letter of 25 May, etc., we imparted how far we had pro- 
ceeded upon the petition of Mr. Gorton and Mr. Holden, etc. We did 
by our said letter declare our tenderness of your just privileges, and of 
preserving entire the authority and jurisdiction of the several governments 
in New England, whereof we shall still express our continued care. We 
have since that taken further consideration of the petition, and spent 
some time in hearing both parties, concerning the bounds of those patents 
under which yourselves and the other governments do claim, to the end 
we might receive satisfaction, whether Shaomett and the rest of the tract 
of land, pretended to by the petitioners, be actually included within any 
of your limits. In which point (being matter of fact) we could not, at 
this distance, give a resolution, and therefore leave that matter to be 
examined and determined upon the place, if there shall be occasion, for 
that the boundaries will be there best known and distinguished. And if 


it shall appear, that the said tract is within the limits of any of the New 
England patents, we shall leave the same, and the inhabitants thereof 
to the proper jurisdiction of that government under which they fall. 
Nevertheless, for that the petitioners have transplanted their families 
thither, and there settled their residences at a great charge, we commend 
it to the government, within whose jurisdiction they shall appear to be, 
(as our only desire at present in this matter,) not only not to remove them 
from their plantations, but also to encourage them, with protection and 
assistance, in all fit ways; provided that they demean themselves peace- 
ably, and not endanger any of the English colonies by a prejudicial corre- 
spondency with the Indians, or otherwise, wherein if they shall be found 
faulty, we leave them to be proceeded with according to justice. To 
this purpose we have also written our letters of this tenor to the govern- 
ments of New Plymouth and Connecticut, hoping that a friendly com- 
pliance will engage these persons to an inoffensive order and conformity, 
and so become an act of greater conquest, honor, and contentment to you 
all, than the scattering or reducing of them by an hand of power. And 
so, not doubting of your concurrence with this desire, as there shall be 
occasion, we commend you to the grace of Christ, resting 
Your very affectionate friends. 
From the Committee, Warwick, Gov'r. and Admiral, 

etc. 22 of July, 1647. Pembroke and Montgomery, 


Arth. Heselrige, 

John Rolle, 

Hen. Mildmay, 

Geo. Fenwick, 

Wm. Purefoy, 

Rich. Salway, 

Miles Corbet, 

Cor. Holland, 

Geo. Snelling. 

The first letter from the committee after Mr. Winslow had 
delivered our petition and remonstrance, which should have 
been inserted before the former. 

After our hearty commendations, etc. 

By our letter of May 15, 1646, we communicated to you our reception 
of a complaint from Mr. Gorton and Mr. Holden, etc., touching some 


proceedings tried against them by your government. We also imparted 
to you our resolutions (grounded upon certain reasons set forth in our 
said letter) for their residing upon Shaomett, and the other parts of that 
tract of land, which is mentioned in a charter of civil incorporation here- 
tofore granted them by us, praying and requiring you to permit the same 
accordingly, without extending your jurisdiction to any part thereof, or 
disquieting them in their civil peace, or otherwise interrupting them in 
their possession, until we should receive your answer to the same in point 
of title, and thereupon give further order. We have since received a 
petition and remonstrance from you by your commissioner, Mr. Winslow, 
and though we have not yet entered into a particular consideration of the 
matter, yet we do, in the general, take notice of your respect, as well to 
the parliament's authority, as your own just pri\'ileges, and find cause to 
be further confirmed in our former opinion and knowledge of your pru- 
dence and faithfulness to God and his cause. And perceiving by your 
petition, that some persons do take advantage, from our said letter, to 
decline and question your jurisdiction, and to pretend a general liberty to 
appeal hither, upon their being called in question before you for matters 
proper to your cognizance, we thought it necessary (for preventing of 
further inconveniences in this kind) hereby to declare, that we intended 
not thereby to encourage any appeals from your justice, nor to restrain 
the bounds of your jurisdiction to a narrower compass than is held forth 
by your letters patent, but to leave you with all that freedom and latitude 
that may, in any respect, be duly claimed by you; knowing that the limit- 
ing of you in that kind may be very prejudicial (if not destructive) to the 
government and public peace of the colony. For your further satisfac- 
tion wherein, you may remember, that our said resolution took rise from 
an admittance, that the Narragansett Bay (the thing in question) was 
wholly without the bounds of your patent, the examination whereof will, 
in the next place, come before us. In the mean time we have received 
advertisement, that the place is within the patent of New Plymouth, and 
that the grounds of your proceedings against the complainants was a 
joint authority from the four governments of Massachusetts, Plymouth, 
Connecticut, and New Haven, which if it falls in upon proof, will much 
alter the state of the question. 

And whereas our said direction extended not only to yourselves, but 
also to all the other governments and plantations in New England, whom 
it might concern, we declare, that we intended thereby no prejudice to 
any of their just rights, nor the countenancing of any practice to violate 
them ; and that we shall for the future be very ready to give our encourage- 
ment and assistance in all your endeavors for settling of your peace and 


government, and the advancement of the gospel of Jesus Christ, to whose 

blessing we commend your persons and affairs. 
Your very loving friends. 

From the committee of Lords and Warwick, Gov*r. and Admiral, 

Commons, etc., 25 May, 1647. Bas. Denbigh, 

Edw. Manchester, 
Wm. Say and Seale, 
Fr. Dacre, 
Wm. Waller, 
Arthur Heselrige, 
Miles Corbet, 
Fr. Allen, 
Wm. Purefoy, 
Geo. Fenwick, 
Cor. Holland. 

The committee having thus declared themselves to have an 
honorable regard of us and care to promote the welfare of the 
four United Colonies and other EngUsh plantations to the east- 
ward, (for they had confirmed Mr. Rigby his patent of Ligonia, 
and by their favorable interpretation of it had brought it to the 
sea-side, whereas the words of the grant laid it twenty miles 
short, and had put Sir Ferdinando Gorge out of all as far as 
Saco,) our agent proceeded to have the charter (which they had 
lately granted to those of Rhode Island and Providence) to 
be called in, as lying within the patent of Plymouth or Con- 

* The colony had reason to be satisfied with the work of Winslow. Ligonia 
was the Plough Patent, of the fortunes of which we have several times read. 
Though Gorton and his followers were dispossessed at Warwick, we are not to 
understand from the misleading language of the paragraph that Providence and 
Newport were disturbed. 


1648. 10, (3.) {May 10.)] The court of elections was at 
Boston. Mr. Symmes, pastor of Charlestown, preached. Mr. 
Winthrop was chosen governor again, and Mr. Dudley, deputy 
governor, Mr. Endecott, sergeant major, and he and Mr. 
Bradstreet, commissioners, etc. 

(3.) Here arrived three ships from London in one day. By 
the passengers we understood, as also by letters from Mr. Wins- 
low, etc., how the hopes and endeavors of Dr. Child and other 
the petitioners, etc., had been blasted by the special providence 
of the Lord, who still wrought for us. Dr. Child had a brother, 
a major of a regiment in Kent, who, being set on by his brother 
and William Vassall, (who went from Scituate to petition 
against the country, etc.) set out a pamphlet, wherein he pub- 
lished their petition, exhibited to our general court, and other 
proceedings of the court. This was answered by Mr. Winslow 
in a book, entitled the Salamander, (pointing therein at Mr. 
Vassall, a man never at rest, but when he was in the fire of 
contention,) wherein he cleared the justice of our proceedings.* 
As for those who went over to procure us trouble, God met 
with them all. Mr. Vassall, finding no entertainment for his 
petitions, went to Barbados. 

Dr. Child preferred a petition to the committee against us, 
and put in Mr. Thomas Fowle his name among others ; but he, 
hearing of it, protested against it, (for God had brought him 
very low, both in his estate and in his reputation, since he 

* The two publications referred to are Major John Child's New England's 
Jonas cast up at London, and Winslow's New England's Salamander Discovered. 
Both were published at London in 1647, and both were reprinted in the Collections 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society, the former in second series, IV,, the latter 
in third series, II. 



joined in the first petition). After this the Doctor, meeting 
with Mr. Willoughby* upon the exchange, (this Mr. Willoughby 
dwelt at Charlestown, but his father was a colonel of the city,) 
and falling in talk about New England, the Doctor railed 
against the people, saying they were a company of rogues and 
knaves; Mr. Willoughby answered, that he who spake so, etc., 
was a knave, whereupon the Doctor gave him a box on the ear. 
Mr. Willoughby was ready to have closed with him, etc., but 
being upon the exchange, he was stayed, but presently ar- 
rested him. And when the Doctor saw the danger he was in, 
he employed some friends to make his peace, who ordered him 
to give five pounds to the poor of New England, (for Mr. 
Willoughby would have nothing of him,) and to give Mr. 
Willoughby open satisfaction in the full exchange, and to give 
it under his hand, never to speak evil of New England men after, 
nor to occasion any trouble to the country, or to any of the 
people, all which he gladly performed ; and besides God had so 
blasted his estate, as he was quite broken, etc. 

Samuel Gorton arrived here. The court, being informed of 
it, made an order that he should be apprehended, etc., but he 
sending us the Earl of Warwick's letter, desiring only that he 
might have liberty to pass home, the court recalled their former 
order, and gave him a week's liberty to provide for his depart- 
ure. This was much opposed by some; but the most consid- 
ered, that, it being only at the Earl's request, (no command,) 
it could be no prejudice to our liberty, and our commissioner 
being still attending the parliament, it might much have disad- 
vantaged our cause and his expedition, if the Earl should have 
heard that we had denied him so small a request. Yet it was 
carried only by a casting voice. 

The Gortonists of Shaomett, hearing how matters were like 
to go against them in England, and [illegible] by Aquiday, 

* Francis Willoughby returning to New England became a much respected 
citizen, attaining the office of deputy-governor, and at the Restoration strongly 
opposing the exercise of the royal prerogative. 




t tffime ftw mcmerat/le '■ 

'1 tccUrroKcs. . ' 



HF (Tovemcur .-nj Af^Ojip.M-mvcd, l-rinfJiTl; 
Uf then- ftir P„tent . wh'ch wjs gr, imtci! ro t bJ?^| 
Colanie fvir: Maflathufetsl Ijy J Honour^ We 

« Ifiac Juhnronf/:.-onc<.foorM,£i9r.-tM .aGcnd 
rr.anerrincnrfi.rpic'rY^Cvirroc.'.Iei'eaf'ot. -^ - 

I' y Seafon Mcftjpnivcsof pfOvifionsfroinCngijnd* 



Thctinic(;fgre,tfc^.v.., , 

A orcatt> finalitic anoneft rhc In^lKini'bvthefni^UI J 
r-s whf rr f Chickatabut iachcro of Njponfct Jycd, as | • 
nifi. ].it,n«c Ijme»S'j!.inore». , * 

6 » >;? S.n-.uclSkcltoii Pidor 10 the Church at Stlcm 

■ AgrcitHir-cM , wherln ib. ^«tHepe of 400 
WJSjrivi-n.MillinreatMr. Haiiohs. . I 

I Mr. Tohn Oldham in hij 8.rt ^v 5 I:i 
of Block-IfUn:! , who wEn-fiirprlM.l ill ■« fimc h.u 
!i;lnG Hop, broHjh! thither (t infthis r^T"'''-'' 
j > treaty i^ [Jcac-lr concluJcJ vaih Mi ir.toniir.uh. 

. Jhc 11 tlt.crc at Wi;thets6c:lu by the rc-VK-tS-- 
i Miftick Fort t ken and the Tcquuts iiain *n4 biirm 
it>ythcli;|lilhi..i{Rivcr. ■ • - ' 

Fiock-Tfl nJCtib/iieJ :'nJn.aJc tributary. 
1 ThcfiiftSynoJat C.imbri^igc.- 
I Mrs. HmcbinfonSc her errors banifl'xJ. 
Thierc.tandgL-nerjll Earth-tju.Kc. 
A vit^cnt ten^p'.-ft which brake Jowi:c rhe ' 
*i Cbarlftown. & c;^u)cei two floOils Sn lix'hov;' ^ ^ 
yi4 JohnHjTvtT.i nufterofArfj,ofEitut^arnd C^V . , 
, ;_ r ..u.M... -.-.-.f .,1: Jj 1,^ willpCe the h.-if Jflii^ 
Btcdto abvltC-jot^fpuniii) ftirthii 

6 3 


■n>!c-Kil : 

' tftatc < which 1... 

! crcttiFgbfrhcColicr'gc. . *i 

Si 17 Wr.Rog^tBirkfienJi;nonc.or*uf!*giftr^te5 *6u| 
..^t-ffsrsofige, J man offmgularpK'ty ji4f nr Titii- 



ithertemifcft, which threw JownT<5n-i;tr -(^rSi ;. _ 
whirn ;tble»atSoiitl«riyftcisj rivo?;-' 
til fuot^bo\'frrhcmed*nv«».«' j^^^?* 
hrthroii^hoiitihe^oimy . -^ T^- 
licon'piies.g.iiiftthi.E ilh. '»„ 
V-ftit^l "■ 



1 164? 'in 


Pafcit2<jnL fubmiiced to our GoTenimeniP. 
This winter five weeks tcgcrlier CharJC-Rix-v wj^ 

In.i,,>iis to cuti oft all the tngUm, If 

ThiJ year IcvcralweiJ-aff. ace pction* I'v: G.i-.iIl 
in Vii^inij. fcnt to us foi (ome to iliip«t* iUl Woryi 
Wr. Toir.pron jnd Mr. Knowles were fct- . 
y Another on thcX,oic»(lay tiKirnJiw 
The fonr £r^riu.Co!onie» *.tl- MajUchiii;;,* pij 
rroHtli, Connecticut 6c New-haven. wcrcnr.ijod. 
i» I'n,iiham&; ^^cononocobacbt:rr.s , Uiboiirteuuiein- 
fclve* 8c rhoii p opietothe £ng.iUi. 

This fniniTier the Lord rem gr^^t fiocks o^ l-igeons. 
which dcvuartdmoLh com. 

Miiiuonimoh wjgciiig warr ■;§ jnftUocas. <9«ft(aJU:ii 
and patio de^tth foi his irc,» htiu-, 
S FtvcS chems , CBtchioukia^Mjireanonnet ,S4] 
Sachem. WiHamcfen tNci-.wjion fubcpiusa huem- 
felvcs. their people fit i^n .» amous. 

KCicoiuway the chief :>«cheiT upon Uerin.2Cft , flC 
bisfon) C£muin ^'oiuntafiiT Aod.'Bbmitiadtuottr G9- 
wcmmtnt . 

\ The Nmowganfets bcjm to wa/r fiponUor js, in rc 
Venijc ofMiamornmoh bi&tiv^h. 
I Mi. George thillipj , hrft r«*oiir of J Ch»f ch a Wj 
ijatf' TheNarrowgtiif«Sachirm», yeicWaftdMexm.. .., 
jfon of»clvt>u peace wirbihu* fcrtt.jfl- 
Ukigivc4 oFthc chief uftnrirchiidren for Hoft aes. 
"" Lord feoctTmitttHiinofCaRtvilursamonKftus, 
tji3icbLdthoiow«af&ckk, like iicne<i acn> wd 
fpuylcd much com. 
Wr.Eliot b<s«ntoprc«chwf If4uii5 iathciiowec 

Ad hpiieisicali faint ccogh throo^h the Countrf . ) 
Mr. Tho, Hooker Paftuorof theChntch jcHertfofd' 
fted ffutn his Idboar? , 1 

Mr. Gr-cnPittoorKMhe Charchar Reading, dj'wl. I 

rk .*.^A.i*^ . fcfj occ. m. jt^^tidif^ oaci^tnuBc, A«i uJ 


From the original copy in the New Yor k Public Library {Lenox Building) 


began to consider how they might make their peace with us, 
and for that end sent two of their company to petition our gen- 
eral com't, etc., but these messengers being come to Dedham, 
and hearing that the court was adjourned, they came no 
further ; but one of them wrote a letter to our governor, in this 
tenor following: — 

To the right worshipful Mr. John Winthrop, Governor of the Massa- 
Humbly presented to your worship's consideration, 
That whereas I, with another, was chosen by the general court held 
at Providence the eighteenth of this month, and sent with an humble 
request to this honorable state concerning Shaomett business, but when 
we came at Dedham, hearing that the general court was adjourned, 1 
your suppliant (being an inhabitant of Shaomett) seriously weighing my 
present condition there, I made bold to advise with Mr. Powell* concern- 
ing the same, who advised me to repair to your worship, which (on con- 
sideration) I could not, till I had some knowledge of your worship's 
favorable acceptation. My humble request therefore is, that your worship 
would be pleased to send me your mind in a few lines concerning the 
premises. So, craving your worship's favorable construction, 

I remain, 

Yours, most humbly, 

RuFus Barton. 
Dedham, May 22, 1648. 

This year com was very scarce, and so it was in all countries 
of Europe. Our scarcity came by occasion of our transporting 
much to the West Indies, and the Portugal and Spanish 
Islands. The magistrates sent out to have a survey of the 
corn in the country, and finding it to fall very short, the next 
general court made an order to prohibit transportation except 
of such as should be brought in from other parts and such as 
were sold before to be transported, etc. Yet this restraint 
notwithstanding, etc., the price did not rise 12d. in the bushel, 

* Michael Powell kept the ordinary, or tavern, at Dedham; but coming later 
to Boston, was one of the founders and ruling elders of the Second Church. 


nor (through the good providence of the Lord) was the scarcity 
much felt among the people. 

Mr. Eaton having again moved the governor to know the 
mind of the court touching the Dutch governor's proceedings, 
the court appointed a committee to consider of it, (after the 
court was adjourned,) and withal to consider of the articles of 
confederation, and some of the commissioners' orders ; for there 
was some murmuring among the people about the inequality 
of some articles, as that we bearing more than half the charge 
upon all occasions, etc., should yet have no more commissioners 
than the smallest of the other, and that all charges should be 
levied by the poll, considering how great a part of our people 
were laborers and craftsmen, and of theirs the most were 
farmers and well stocked, etc. 

28, (3.) (May 28.)] Soon after the court was adjourned, the 
governor received two letters from the Dutch governor, holding 
forth much assurance of his sincere affection to a firm peace and 
neighborly compliance with all the Enghsh, and that upon 
these grounds, 1. our unity in the true religion, 2. the ancient 
league between the two nations, 3. the community in danger, 
in respect of the common enemy, both Spaniards and Indians, 
4. the reconciUng former differences and preventing future, 5. 
the benefit of a mutual league, both offensive and defensive, 
against a common enemy; and offered to meet Mr. Bradford, 
the governor of Plymouth, and Mr. Winthrop, the governor 
of the Massachusetts, at Connecticut, at such time as we 
should appoint, and to refer all to us. 

The governor returned answer to him, of what gladness he 
conceived in his forwardness to peace, and had no reason to 
doubt of his cordial intentions, etc., promising to further the 
meeting what lay in his power, etc. 

There was some reason, why the Dutch governor's spirit 
should begin to fall, both in regard of the weakness the state of 
Holland (especially the West India Company) were fallen 
into, (which was not the least occasion of their late peace 


with Spain,)* and also in respect of the doubts which he was 
fallen into at this time, both from his own unruly people, and 
also of their neighbor Indians, for neither would his people be 
restrained from furnishing the Indians with guns, powder, etc., 
nor would the Indians endure to be without that trade; and 
the great loss the company had sustained by late wreck of 
three ships, and the old governor and many principal men 
with him, made him doubtful of any great supply from Holland. 

4. (4). {June 4.)] Here arrived one Sir Edmund Plowden,^ 
who had been in Virginia about seven years. He came first 
with a patent of a county Palatine for Delaware Bay, but 
wanting a pilot for that place, he went to Virginia and there 
having lost the estate he brought over, and all his people 
scattered from him, he came hither to retm-n to England for 
supply, intending to return and plant Delaware, if he could get 
sufficient strength to dispossess the Swedes. 

This year a new way was found out to Connecticut, by 
Nashoway, which avoided much of the hilly way. 

The magistrates, being informed at a court of assistants that 
four or five Indians, who Hved upon the spoil of their neighbors, 
had murdered some Indians of Nipnett, who were subject to 
this government, and robbed their wigwam, sent twenty men to 
Nashoway to inquire of the truth of the matter, and to appre- 
hend the murderers, if they could be found ; but being fled to 
Narragansett, they returned, and informed us certainly of the 
persons murdered, and of the actors, etc., which was of this 
good use, (though they could not apprehend them,) that the 
Indians saw our care of them, and readiness to protect them, 
and revenge their wrongs. 

'The United Provinces ended the "Eighty Years' War" with Spain by the 
treaty of Miinster, January 30, 1648. The Dutch West India Company, whose 
fortunes had fallen very low, was rechartered in 1647. 

^ An unsuccessful adventurer who planned a large enterprise, and secured 
in 1634 a patent from the crown of Ireland, making him "Earl Palatine of the 
province of New Albion." Of the great feudal domain projected, nothing ever 
came. Its history is fully related by Professor Gregory B. Keen in Winsor's 
Narrative and Critical History of America, III. 457-468. 


After this, two Indians, of Cutshamekin's procuring, offering 
themselves to apprehend some of the murderers, we gave them 
commission, and withal wrote to Mr. Pincheon to assist them, I 
etc. (they being near Springfield). Mr. Pincheon offered his 
assistance, but wrote to the governor, that the Indians mur- 
dered, nor yet the murderers, were not our subjects, and withal 
that it would endanger a war; whereupon the governor ad- 
vising with the deputy, etc., wrote back presently to Mr. 
Pincheon, that then he should proceed no further, but send 
back the Indians, etc. 

At this court one Margaret Jones of Charlestown was indict- 
ed and found guilty of witchcraft, and hanged for it. The 
evidence against her was, 1. that she was found to have such a 
malignant touch, as many persons, (men, women, and children,) 
whom she stroked or touched with any affection or displeasure, 
or, etc., were taken with deafness, or vomiting, or other violent 
pains or sickness, 2. she practising physic, and her medicines 
being such things as (by her own confession) were harmless, as 
aniseed, liquors, etc., yet had extraordinary violent effects, 3. 
she would use to tell such as would not make use of her physic, 
that they would never be healed, and accordingly their diseases 
and hurts continued, with relapse against the ordinary course, 
and beyond the apprehension of all physicians and sm*geons, 4. 
some things which she foretold came to pass accordingly ; other 
things she could tell of (as secret speeches, etc.) which she had 
no ordinary means to come to the knowledge of, 5. she had 
(upon search) an apparent teat in her secret parts as fresh as if 
it had been newly sucked, and after it had been scanned, upon 
a forced search, that was withered, and another began on the 
opposite side, 6. in the prison, in the clear day-hght, there was 
seen in her arms, she sitting on the floor, and her clothes up, 
etc., a httle child, which ran from her into another room, and 
the officer following it, it was vanished. The hke child was 
seen in two other places, to which she had relation; and one 
maid that saw it, fell sick upon it, and was cured by the said 


Margaret, who used means to be employed to that end. Her 
behavior at her trial was very intemperate, lying notoriously, 
and railing upon the jury and witnesses, etc., and in the like 
distemper she died. The same day and hour she was executed, 
there was a very great tempest at Connecticut, which blew 
down many trees, etc. 

4. {June.)] The wife of one WiUip of Exeter was found in 
the river dead, her neck broken, her tongue black and swollen 
out of her mouth, and the blood settled in her face, the privy 
parts swollen, etc., as if she had been much abused, etc. 

A vessel of Connecticut being the last winter at Quorasoe,* 
in the possession of the Dutch, found there a negro, who had 
lost his legs, and had been sent thither out of Holland to 
perform such service to the governor, etc., as he was fit for 
(having been trained up to some learning in Holland). This 
man had attained to some good savor of religion, so as he grew 
weary of the Dutch of the island, who were very debauched, 
(only one man he found some piety in,) and there being some 
Indians in the island, he acquainted himself with them, and 
having attained some skill in their language, he began to in- 
struct them and their children in the knowledge of God, etc., 
and the Lord so blessed his endeavors, as the Indians began to 
hearken to him, and yielded themselves to be taught at certain 
times which this negro appointed. This negro told the master 
of the English vessel, one Bull, a godly and discreet man, of all 
his proceedings, and what comfort he had in that one godly 
Dutchman, saying that he never was in his company but he 
found Jesus Christ warming him at the heart. He inquired of 
Bull about New England and our rehgion and churches, and 
asked if we were of those Christians, who advanced the doctrine 
of merits, etc., and much rejoiced when he heard the truth of 
our doctrine, etc., and showed himself very desirous to see New 
England ; and so he left him at that time. 

28.] The Welcome, of Boston, about 300 tons, riding before 

* Curayao. 


Charlestown, having in her eighty horses and 120 tons of ballast, 
in calm weather, fell a rolUng, and continued so about twelve 
hours, so as though they brought a great weight to the one 
side, yet she would heel to the other, and so deep as they feared 
her foundering. It was then the time of the county court at 
Boston, and the magistrates hearing of it, and withal that one 
Jones (the husband of the witch lately executed) had desired to 
have passage in her to Barbados, and could not have it without 
such payment, etc., they sent the officer presently with a war- 
rant to apprehend him, one of them saying that the ship would 
stand still as soon as he was in prison. And as the officer went, 
and was passing over the ferry, one said to him, you can tame 
men sometimes, can't you tame this ship? The officer an- 
swered, I have that here, that (it may be) will tame her, and 
make her be quiet ; and with that showed his warrant. And at 
the same instant, she began to stop and presently staid, and 
after he was put in prison, moved no more. 

There appeared over the harbor at New Haven, in the 
evening, the form of the keel of a ship with three masts, to 
which were suddenly added all the tackling and sails, and 
presently after, upon the top of the poop, a man standing with 
one hand akimbo under his left side, and in his right hand a 
sword stretched out toward the sea. Then from the side of 
the ship which was from the town arose a great smoke, which 
covered all the ship, and in that smoke she vanished away; but 
some saw her keel sink into the water. This was seen by 
many, men and women, and it continued about a quarter of an 

Divers letters passed between our governor and the Dutch 
governor about a meeting for reconciling the differences 
between our confederates of New Haven, etc., and him. 
But Mr. Bradford, the governor of Plymouth, (being one of the 

^ The spectral ship of New Haven, the tradition of which was taken up and 
characteristically developed by Cotton Mather, is one of the most weird of New 
England legends, and has become very familiar to the later generations. 


two whom the Dutch governor desired to refer the differences 
unto, being sent unto about it, came to Boston, and there 
excused himself, by bodily infii-mities and other reasons, that 
he could not go to Hartford that summer, but promised (the 
Lord assisting) to prepare against the middle of the (4) {June) 
next summer. So the governor (Mr. Hopkins being then also 
at Boston) despatched away letters presently to the Dutch 
governor to certify him thereof, who returned answer soon 
after, that he was very sorry the meeting did not hold, and 
professed his earnest inclination to peace, and that he never 
had any thought of war, and desired that in the mean time all 
things might remain as they were, neither encroaching upon 
others' pretended hmits, desiring withal that he might meet the 
commissioners of the colonies also to treat with them about 
the Indian trade, which was much abused, etc. 

15. (6.) {August 15.)] The synod met at Cambridge by ad- 
journment from the (4) {June) last. Mr. Allen of Dedham 
preached out of Acts 15, a very godly, learned, and particular 
handling of near all the doctrines and applications concerning 
that subject with a clear discovery and refutation of such 
errors, objections, and scruples as had been raised about it by 
some young heads in the country. 

It fell out, about the midst of his sermon, there came a snake 
into the seat, where many of the elders sate behind the preacher. 
It came in at the door where people stood thick upon the stairs. 
Divers of the elders shifted from it, but Mr. Thomson, one of 
the elders of Braintree, (a man of much faith,) trode upon the 
head of it, and so held it with his foot and staff with a small 
pair of grains,^ until it was killed. This being so remarkable, 
and nothing falhng out but by divine providence, it is out of 
doubt, the Lord discovered somewhat of his mind in it. The 
serpent is the devil; the synod, the representative of the 
churches of Christ in New England. The devil had formerly 
and lately attempted their disturbance and dissolution; but 

* Pair of grains, a sort of fish-spear. 


their faith in the seed of the woman overcame him and crushed 
his head. 

The synod went on comfortably, and intended only the fram- 
ing of a confession of faith, etc., and a form of chm*ch discipline 
(not entertaining any other business). For the first, they 
wholly agreed with that which the assembly in England had 
lately set forth. For the other, viz., for discipline, they 
drew it by itself, according to the general practice of our 
churches. So they ended in less than fourteen days.' 

This month, when our first harvest was near had in, the 
pigeons came again all over the country, but did no harm, 
(harvest being just in,) but proved a great blessing, it being 
incredible what multitudes of them were killed daily. It was 
ordinary for one man to kill eight or ten dozen in half a day, 
yea five or six dozen at one shoot, and some seven or eight. 
Thus the Lord showed us, that he could make the same 
creature, which formerly had been a great chastisement, now 
to become a great blessing. 

About the midst of this summer, there arose a fly out of the 
ground, about the bigness of the top of a man's Httle finger, of 
brown color. They filled the woods from Connecticut to Sud- 
bury with a great noise, and eat up the young sprouts of the 
trees, but meddled not with the corn. They were also between 
Plymouth and Braintree, but came no fm-ther. If the Lord 
had not stopped them, they had spoiled all our orchards, for 
they did some few. 

At the last meeting of the commissioners at New Haven, 
information was given them, that Sequashin, a sachem near 

' At this synod was laid down the famous Cambridge platform upon which 
the Congregational polity of New England substantially rested until 1780. Twenty 
years of experience had taught the leaders that Congregationalism might be 
too absolute. Hence this grafting upon the original idea, of the council or 
synod, which differed from Presbyterianism in not being permanent, only resorted 
to in temporary emergencies, and yet was a decided check upon independency. 
The platform or Book of Discipline, as it was often called, was adopted, hardly 
with cordiality, but remained long in authority. See Palfrey, History of New 
England, I. 330. 


Hartford, would have hired an Indian to kill some of the mag- 
istrates of Hartford, whereupon he was sent for, but came not, 
and being among other Indians about Pacomtuckett,^ they sent 
for Unkas, who undertook to fetch him in, which he not being 
able to do by force, he surprised him in the night, and brought 
him to Hartford, where he was kept in prison divers weeks. 
But there not being sufficient proof to convict him, etc., he 
was discharged. Yet the Indians, from whom he was taken, 
took it so to heart against Uncas, as they intended to make 
war upon him, and the Narragansetts sent wampom to them 
to encourage them; and accordingly in this month, there 
were gathered together from divers parts about one thousand 
Indians armed, three hundred or more having guns, powder, 
and bullets, and were at Pacumtuckett preparing, etc., which 
the magistrates of Hartford hearing of, they sent three horse- 
men to them (one being very expert in the Indian language) to 
know their intent, and to tell them, that if they made war upon 
Uncas, the English must defend him. The Indian sachems 
entertained the mcssengcre courteously ; and having heard their 
message, they took time to give their answer, which was this, 
viz. they knew the English to be a wise and warlike people, and 
they intended not to fall out with them, therefore for the present 
they would desist, and consider further of the matter. And 
God had so disposed, as at the same instant they had intelli- 
gence of a defeat given to some of their confederates by other In- 
dians, which called them to their aid, and also the Narragansett 
had failed to send them all the wampom he had promised. Thus 
the Lord delivered us from that war, which must needs have 
been very dangerous, especially to our brethren of Connecticut. 
The Narragansett and Niantick dealing thus underhand con- 
trary to their covenant, and being yet behind near one thousand 
fathom of the wampom they should have paid us long since, 
the commissioners, sitting at Plymouth, (7) (September) or- 
dered four men to be sent to them, with an interpreter, with 
* Pocumtuckett became later Deerfield. 


instructions how to treat with them, both concerning their 
hiring other Indians to war upon Uncas, and also about the 
wampom behind. Captain Atherton and Captain Prichard, 
assisted with two others, voluntarily undertook this service, 
and went hence, 3 (8) (October 3). They were to have taken 
Benedict Arnold for their interpreter ; but he being from home, 
they went to Mr. Williams, who sent for the sachems. But 
they had heard that many horsemen were come to take them, 
which made Pesicus fly over to Rhode Island. Then our 
messengers went to Niantick, where Ninicraft entertained them 
courteously, (there they staid the Lord's day,) and came 
back with them to Mr. Williams, and then Pesicus and Canoni- 
cus' son, being delivered of their fear, came to them, and being 
demanded about hiring the Mohawks against Uncas, they 
solemnly denied it; onlj?- they confessed, that the Mohawk, 
being a great sachem, and their ancient friend, and being come 
so near them, they sent some twenty fathom of wampom for 
him to tread upon, as the manner of Indians is. And Canoni- 
cus' son, called [blank,] used this asseveration, viz. English- 
man's God doth know, that we did not send to stir up or hire 
the Mohawks against Uncas. Then they further promised, 
that they would not meddle with Uncas, nor stir up any 
other against him, before they had paid all their debt of wam- 
pom to the English, and then they would require satisfaction 
for all the wrongs Uncas had done them, and if the English 
would not see them satisfied, they would consider what to do. 
And for their wampom behind, etc., they desired the English 
to bear with them, in regard their want of com last winter had 
made them lay out their wampom to the English for corn ; but 
in the spring they would provide part of it, and the rest so soon 
as they could. 

(8.) (October.)] A shallop having been fishing at Monhigen, 
and returning with other boats, and being to put in at Dama- 
rell's cove,^ the other boats fell to their oars (the wind failing) 

* Now Damariscove Island, near Monhegan, on the Maine coast. 


and called upon this boat to do the Uke, that they might be 
harbored before night ; but they were slothful, and neglected, 
etc., whereupon she missed her way, and was spht upon a rock, 
and all the men (being four, and one Indian) and all the goods 

20.] In the time of our general court here arrived from 
Virginia one Mr. Haryson, pastor of the church of Nanseman 
there, and reported to us, that their chiirch was grown to one 
hundred and eighteen persons, and many more looking towards 
it, which had stirred up the governor there. Sir William Berk- 
ley, to raise persecution against them, and he had banished 
their elder, Mr. Durand, and himself (viz. Mr. Haryson) was to 
depart the country by the third ship at furthest, which had 
caused [him] to come now to take advice of the magistrates 
and elders here about the matter. First he spake with the 
magistrates, and propounded two things, 1. whether their 
church ought not to remove, upon this persecution, 2. whether 
we would advise them to remove. 

To the first our answer was, that seeing God had carried on 
his work so graciously hitherto, etc., and that there was so great 
hope of a far more plentiful harvest at hand, (many of the 
council being well inclined, etc., and one thousand of the people 
by conjecture,) they should not be hasty to remove, as long 
as they could stay upon any tolerable terms. 2. For the place 
they should remove to, if necessitated, Mr. Haryson acquainted 
us with a place allowed and propounded to them, and the oc- 
casion of it, which was thus: Captain Wm. Sayle of Summers 
Islands,^ having been lately in England, had procured an 
ordinance of parhament for planting the Bahamas Islands 
(now called Eleutheria) in the mouth of the gulf of Florida, 
and wanting means to carry it on, had obtained of divers par- 
hament men and others in London to undertake the work, 
which they did, and drew up a covenant and articles for all to 
enter into, who would come into the business. The first article 

* Bermudas. 


was for liberty of conscience, wherein they provided, that the 
civil magistrate should not have cognizance of any matter 
which concerned religion, but every man might enjoy his own 
opinion or religion, without control or question, (nor was there 
any word of maintaining or professing any rehgion or worship 
of God at all ;) and the commission (by authority of the ordi- 
nance of parliament) to Captain Sayle to be governor three 
years was with limitation, that they should be subject to such 
orders and directions as from time to time they should receive 
from the company in England, etc. Upon these terms they 
furnished him with a ship and all provisions and necessaries for 
the design, and some few persons embarked with him, and 
sailed to the Summers Islands, where they took in Mr. Patrick 
Copeland, elder of that church, a godly man of near eighty 
years of age, and so many other of the church there, as they 
were in the ship in all seventy persons. But in the way to 
Eleutheria, one Captain Butler, a young man who came in the 
ship from England, made use of his liberty to disturb all the 
company. He could not endure any ordinances or worship, 
etc., and when they arrived at one of the Eleutheria Islands, 
and were intended there to settle, he made such a faction, as 
enforced Captain Sayle to remove to another island, and being 
near the harbor, the ship struck and was cast away. The per- 
sons were all saved, save one, but all their provisions and goods 
were lost, so as they were forced (for divers months) to lie in 
the open air, and to feed upon such fruits and wild creatures as 
the island afforded. But finding their strength to decay, and 
no hope of any relief. Captain Sayle took a shallop and eight 
men, with such provisions as they could get, and set sail, 
hoping to attain either the Summers Islands, or Virginia, or 
New England ; and so it pleased the Lord to favor them, that 
in nine days they arrived in Virginia, their provisions all spent, 
etc. Those of the church reheved them, and furnished them 
with a bark and provisions to return to relieve their com- 
pany left in Eleutheria. Captain Sayle, finding the church in 


this state, persuaded them to remove to Eleutheria, which they 
began to hsten unto, but after they had seen a copy of his com- 
mission and articles, etc. (though he undertook to them, that 
the company in England would alter any thing they should 
desire, yet) they paused upon it (for the church were very 
orthodox and zealous for the truth) and would not resolve 
before they had received advice from us. Whereupon letters 
were returned to them, dissuading them from joining with that 
people under those terms. 

(9) (November) 2.] Here arrived a Dutch hoy of about 30 
tons, with cordage and other goods, seven men in her. She 
came from the Isle of Wight hither in five weeks. 

18.] One Bezaleel Payton of the church of Boston, coming 
from Barbados in a vessel of 60 tons, was taken with a great 
storm of wind and rain at east in the night, between Cape Cod 
and the bay, so as he was forced to put out two anchors ; but 
the storm increasing, they were put from their anchors, and 
seeing no way but death before their eyes, they commended 
themselves to the Lord, who delivered them marvelously, for 
they were carried among Conyhasset rocks, yet touched none 
of them, and put on shore upon a beach, and presently there 
came a mighty sea, which lifted their vessel over the beach into 
a smooth water, and after the storm was over, they used means, 
and gate her safe out. 

The like example of the blessing of prayer fell out not long 
after in saving a small open vessel of ours, wherein was one 
Richard Collicut of the church of Dorchester, who being east- 
ward about trading was carried by a violent storm among the 
rocks, where they could find no place to get out. So they went 
to prayer, and presently there came a great sea, and heaved 
their vessel over into the open sea, in a place between two rocks. 


11, (11.) (January 11.)] About eight persons were drowned 
this winter, all by adventuring upon the ice, except three, 
whereof two (one of them being far in drink) would needs pass 
from Boston to Winisemett in a small boat and a tempestuous 
night. This man (using to come home to Winisemett di'unken) 
his wife would tell him, he would one day be drowned, etc., but 
he made hght of it. Another went aboard a ship to make 
merry the last day at night, (being the beginning of the Lord's 
day,) and returning about midnight with three of the ship's 
company, the boat was overset by means of the ice, they guid- 
ing her by a rope, which went from the ship to the shore. The 
seamen waded out, but the Boston man was drowned, being a 
man of good conversation and hopeful of some work of grace 
begun in him, but drawn away by the seamen's invitation. 
God will be sanctified in them that come near him. Two 
others were the children of one of the church of Boston. While 
their parents were at the lecture, the boy, (being about seven 
years of age,) having a small staff in his hand, ran down upon 
the ice towards a boat he saw, and the ice breaking, he fell in, 
but his staff kept him up, till his sister, about fourteen years 
old, ran down to save her brother (though there were four men 
at hand, and called to her not to go, being themselves hasting to 
save him) and so drowned herself and him also, being past 
recovery ere the men could come at them, and could easily 
reach ground with their feet. The parents had no more sons, 
and confessed they had been too indulgent towards him, and 
had set their hearts over much upon him. 

This puts me in mind of another child very strangely 
drowned a little before winter. The parents were also mem- 
bers of the church of Boston. The father had undertaken to 



maintain the mill-dam, and being at work upon it, (with some 
help he had hired,) in the afternoon of the last day of the week, 
night came upon them before they had finished what they in- 
tended, and his conscience began to put him in mind of the 
Lord's day, and he was troubled, yet went on and wrought an 
hour within night. The next day, after evening exercise, and 
after they had supped, the mother put two children to bed in 
the room where themselves did lie, and they went out to visit 
a neighbor. When they returned, they continued about an 
hour in the room, and missed not the child, but then the mother 
going to the bed, and not finding her yoimgest child, (a daugh- 
ter about five years of age,) after much search she found it 
drowned in a well in her cellar ; which was very observable, as 
by a special hand of God, that the child should go out of that 
room into another in the dark, and then fall down at a trap 
door, or go down the stairs, and so into the well in the farther 
end of the cellar, the top of the well and the water being even 
with the ground. But the father, freely in the open congrega- 
tion, did acknowledge it the righteous hand of God for his 
profaning his holy day against the checks of his own conscience. 


Abigail, ship, i. 160, 161. 

Acomenticus, see York, Me. 

Adams, Brooks, Emancipation of Mas- 
sachusetts, i. 13, 275 n.; ii. 174 n. 

Adams, C. F., Antinomianism in the 
Colony of Massachusetts Bay, i. 242 n. ; 
quoted, i. 255 n.; Three Episodes of 
Mass. History, i. 53 n., 197 n., 222 n. 

Agawam, see Ipswich. 

Albany, ii. 33 n., 161 n. 

Alden, John, Hocking episode, i. 124. 

Alderman, John, i. 135. 

Alexander, Sir William, ii. 181. 

Allegiance to England, how construed, 
ii. 309-315. 

Allein, Francis, ii. 283, 338. 

Allen, messenger to Aulnay, ii. 247. 

Allen, Bozoun, ii. 229-245. 

Allen, Rev. John, ii. 276, 291, 347. 

AUerton, Isaac, i. 49, 65, 113, 119, 145, 
156, 176; ii. 94, 220. 

Ambrose, ship, i. 24, 50, 58. 

Ames, Dr. William, i. 160 n. 

Anabaptists, i. 297; ii. 39, 53, 177, 257, 
259-260, 274-275, 282. 

Anasquam, i. 166. 

Ancient and Honorable Artillery Com- 
pany, i. 260 n. 

Andover, ii. 16 n., 99, 199, 262. 

Andrew, Thomas, i. 68 n. 

Andrews, Richard, gifts, i. 128; ii. 70, 

Antinomian controversy, i. 195-199, 
201-207, 208-212, 215-218, 225, 226, 
230, 258, 2.59, 273, 284, 297; ii. 260; 
Wheelwright's fast day sermon, i. 211 ; 
Synod acts in, i. 232-235; General 
Court acts in, 239-241; Winthrop, 
Short Story of the Rise, Reign and 
Ruin of the Antinomians, i. 242-255; 
Winthrop justifies himself, i. 256-257; 
Mrs. Hutchinson examined, i. 260- 
261, 263-265. 

Aquidneck, see Rhode Island. 

Arbella, Lady, see Johnson, Lady Ar- 

Arbella, ship, i. 23; prepares for attack, 
27-28; Winthrop's voyage on, 27-50. 

Ark, ship, i. 131. 

Armine, Lady, ii. 222. 

Armine, Sir William, ii. 222 n. 

Arnold, Mr., i. 286. 

Arnold, Benedict, ii. 122, 123, 125, 350. 

Articles of confederation, see Confedera- 
tion of the colonies. 

Aspinwall, William, i. 52, 241 n., 258; 
ii. 164, 181; banished, i. 239; ii. 56. 

Assembly of the elders, see Synod. 

Assistants, court of, i. 52 n.; see also 
General Court. 

Atherton, Humphrey, ii. 140, 350. 

Aulnay, Charles de, i. 163; ii. 182-183, 
244; claims, i. 201; threatens trading 
ships, ii. 88; English attack on Penob- 
scot, ii. 180; negotiations with, ii. 
202-205, 270,276, 284-285; captures 
a Boston ship, ii. 322-323, 325-326; 
death, ii. 248 n.; see also La Tour, 

Austin, Mr., ii. 11. 

Avery, Rev. John, i. 156. 

Avery's Fall, i. 156 n. 

Ayanemo, chief, i. 226. 

Azores, i. 103, 208 n. 

Bagnall, Walter, i. 69, 98. 
Bahamas, ii. 351-353. 
Bailey, Dissuasive, i. 233 n. 
Baker, Mr., imprisoned, ii. 9. 
Baker, John, ii. 29-30. 
Baker, Robert, ii. 24. 
Ball, Capt., i. 144, 181. 
Ball, Mr., i. 279. 

Baltimore, Lord, i. 120; ii. 67, 150. 
Barbados, ii. 74, 142-143, 328. 
Barcroft's wife accused, i. 108. 
Barecove, see Hingham. 
Barnstaple, founded, i. 308. 
Barrington, Thomas, ii. 198. 




Barton, Rufus, ii. 341. 

Batchelor, Rev. Stephen, i. 81, 169, 266; 
ii. 45-46, 179, 221. 

Bayley, Capt., ii. 197, 208, 256, 285; 
sued by Madame La Tour, ii. 199, 
204, 205-206, 208-209. 

Beaver Brook, named, i. 73. 

Beecher, Thomas, master of the Talhot, 
i. 24. 

Beggerly, Richard, i. 287 

Bell, Philip, ii. 142-143. 

Bellingham, Richard, i. 137, 146; depu- 
ty governor, i. 149; quarrel with Win- 
throp, i. 321-322; chosen governor, 
ii. 31, 36; married, ii. 43-44; opposes 
the other magistrates, ii. 46-48, 66 n., 
117, 189, 218, 266, 305, 306. 

Bendall, Edward, ii. 67. 

Benjamin, John, i. 178. 

Bennet, Philip, ii. 73. 

Berkeley, Sir William, ii. 163, 168, 351. 

Berkley, Alderman, ii. 204, 207, 208, 

Bermudas, i. 126, 176; ii. 33 n., 351. 

Bernard, Rev., i. 279, 293. 

Bewett, Hugh, banished, ii. 17. 

Bilbao, trade with, ii. 157. 

Billington, John, hanged, i. 53. 

Binks, Mr., i. 88. 

Bird, ship, i. 107. 

Bird Island, i. 146. 

Blackstone, William, see Blaxton. 

Blakiston, J., ii. 198. 

Blaxton, William, i. 9, 50 n., 52 n. 

Blessing of the Bay, ship, i. 65, 67, 68; 
visits Long Island, i. 109; visits Con- 
necticut River, i. 109, 128. 

BHnman, Rev. Richard, ii. 58. 

Block Island, i. 183, 186, 187-188, 228, 

Bodij of Liberties, i. 323-324; ii. 49. 

Bond, Dennis, ii. 293. 

Book, of Discipline, ii. 348 n. 

Boone Isle, sighted, i. 48. 

Boston, i. 134 n., 218 n. ; named, i. 52 n., 
53; defences, i. 80, 86, 113, 124; In- 
dian alarm, i. 91-92; first inn, shop, 
and market, i. 120; allotment of town 
lands, i. 114, 143-144; training day, 
i.299; ii. 42, 107-108; harbor frozen, 
i. 143; ii. 54; rules for ships, i. 180; 
La Tour's visit, ii. 105-108; ships 
seized at, ii. 183-187, 190, 197, 199- 
201, 254-255; free trade, ii. 246. 

Boston, church, i. 52 n., 83, 89, 114, 
116, 209 n.; ordains Rev. John Wil- 
son, i. 95; site, i. 318-319; ii. 23; at- 
titude towards Winthrop, i. 324; see 
also Antinomian controversy, Synod. 

Bourne, Mrs., ii. 317. 

Bourne, Nehemiah, ii. 253. 

Bradford, William, i. 12, 57 n., 93, 97, 
157, 305; ii. 324, 332, 342, 346; vis- 
its Winthrop, i. 71, 103; Hocking epi- 
sode, i. 128-129, 131; warns against 
the Indians, i. 194; ii. 6, 115. 

Bradstreet, Gov. Simon, i. 167 n.; ii. 28, 
39, 117, 271, 305; commissioner of 
confederation, ii. 98, 175, 339. 

Braintree, i. 197. 

Braintree company, i. 90. 

Brewster, William, i. 93. 

Bridges, Capt. Robert, ii. 247, 269-270, 
323, 328. 

Brierly, Rev., i. 219. 

Briscoe, Mr., ii. 88, 91. 

Briscoe, Nathaniel, i. 310-314; ii. 61. 

Britton, Mr., i. 293. 

Britton, James, ii. 161-163. 

Broad Sound, i. 258; ii. 130. 

Brook, capt. of the Gift, i. 53. 

Brooke, Lord, i. Ill, 124, 137, 161. 

Brookline, i. 90, 141, 294 

Brooks, Mr., i. 228. 

Brown, James, i. 183. 

Brown, John, ii. 228-229, 261. 

Brown, Richard, i. 66, 71, 95, 130, 137. 

Browne, John, i. 12, 52 n. 

Browne, Kellam, i. 14. 

Browne, Robert, i. 7. 

Browne, Samuel, i. 12, 52 n. 

Brown's Island, i. 160. 

Buckland, William, i. 68 n. 

Bulkley, Rev. John, ii. 250. 

Bulkley, Rev. Peter, i. 158, 182, 212, 

Bull, Capt., ii. 345. 

Bull, Dixy, pirate, i. 82, 95, 98, 101. 

Bumstead, Thomas, ii. 210. 

Burdet, Rev. George, i. 279-280, 295, 
328; complaints, i. 285, 300; fined, 
ii. 8. 

Burdock, master of the William and 
Jane, i. 100. 

Burglary by Harvard students, ii. 169. 

Burleigh, capt. of Yarmouth castle, i. 25. 

Burr, Rev. Jonathan, ii. 22-23. 

Burrows, Mr., ii. 279. 



Burton, Thomas, ii. 271, 316-317. 
Butcher, Union, ii. 228. 
Butler, Capt., ii. 352. 
Butterfield, Mr., killed, i. 192. 

Cadiz, shipwrecks at, ii. 249-250. 
Calvert, Leonard, i. 131; ii. 67, 150. 
Cambridge, i. 84, 113, 134 n., 218 n.; 

site, i. 54; named, i. 270; defences, i. 

74, 78; church, i. 91, 111, 173-174; 

wishes more land, i. 124, 126; migra- 
tions to Connecticut, i. 128, 132-133, 

180; court of elections, i. 215-216; 

printing press, i. 293. 
Cambridge assembly, see Synod. 
Cambridge, Eng., agreement, i. 14. 
Cambridge platform, ii. 348 n. 
Cammock, Thomas, i. 92. 
Cane, see Keayne, Robert. 
Canonicus, chief, i. 65, 76, 89; ii. 134, 

143, 350; Oldham episode, i. 184-186, 

189, 190; treaty with, i. 192-194; 

wishes to attack Uncas, ii. 168-169; 

dies, ii. 324. 
Cape Ann, see Gloucester. 
Cape Cod, i. 46, 109, 138, 148. 
Cape Porpoise, Me., i. 91. 
Carman, see Kerman. 
Carter, deputy governor of Providence, 

West Indies, ii. 33. 
Carter, Rev. Thomas, ii. 88. 
Carver, John, i. 93 n., 94 n. 
Casde Island, i. 130, 132, 180, 222, 263; 

flag at, i. 174, 182; fortifications, ii. 

155, 158-160, 251, 305 n. 
Caterpillars, ii. 277. 
Chaddock, Capt. John, ii. 150-151, 153, 

Champlain, Lake, i. 224 n. 
Charity, ship, i. 178. 
Charles River, i. 73, 287. 
Charles, ship, i. 24, 51, 59, 81 ; ii. 20, 45. 
Charlestown, i. 51, 52 n., 132, 134 n., 

218 n.; founded, i. 9, 13; church, i. 

95, 121, 176. 
Chauncy, Rev. Charies, i. 332; ii. 67. 
Cheeseborough, William, i. 63. 
Chelsea, i. 9, 50, 147. 
Chesapeake Bay, i. 100 n. 
Chickatabot, chief, i. 64, 68, 76, 89, 111; 

ii. 156; visits Winthrop, i. 59, 62. 
Child, John, New England's Jonas 

cast up at London, ii. 339 n. 
Child, Dr. Robert, ii. 321-322, 339- 

340; petition of, ii. 271, 289, 295, 296; 
charges against, ii. 297-299; answers, 
ii. 299-303; fined, ii. 304; appeals, ii. 
305, 306-307; imprisoned, ii. 308, 
309, 316; counter petitions, ii. 309- 

Children sent from London, ii. 96. 

Chippacursett island, i. 138. 

Christopher islands, see St. Christopher. 

Clark, George Rogers, i. 146 n. 

Clark, John, constable of Watertown, 
i. 78. 

Clarke, John, i. 277; ii. 41. 

Clerk, Mr., of Salem, ii. 316. 

Cleves, George, i. 224; ii. 157-158, 266- 

Clotworthy, Sir John, i. 164. 

Coach, ship, ii. 17. 

Cochitawit, see Andover. 

Coddington, William, i. 52 n., 60, 79, 
100, 114, 143; upholds Mrs. Hutch- 
inson, i. 215, 216, 219, 241 n., 297; 
in Rhode Island, i. 270, 299, 331; ii. 
41, 53 n. 

Coggan, John, i. 120. 

Coggeshall, John, i. 123, 239, 241 n.; 
in Rhode Island, ii. 41, 334. 

Cohasset, i. 238, 287, 305 n. 

Colbron, William, i. 14, 53, 59. 

Colchester, see Salisbury. 

Cole, Andrew, capt. of the Little Nep- 
tune, I. 29. 

Cole, John, ii. 277 n. 

Cole, Robert, drunkard, i. 120. 

Cole, Samuel, i. 120. 

CoUicot, Richard, ii. 353. 

Collier, William, i. 131; ii. 98. 

Collins, Mr., ii. 7-8, 39-40, 138. 

Commissioners of plantations, hostile to 
Massachusetts, i. 135, 307; demand 
the patent, i. 274, 278, 301 ; Gorton 
case, ii. 282-283, 292-293; Massachu- 
setts petitions, ii. 309-313; reply, ii. 
335-3.38; Virginia, ii. 163. 

Concord, Mass., i. 158; church, i. 182, 
212; ii. 68,278. 

Concord, N. H., i. 306 n. 

Confederation of the colonies, ii. 98-99, 
141-142; proposed, i. 231, 287, 321 
n.; ii. 82, 163; articles, ii. 100-105. 

Congregationalism, ii. 348 n. 

Connecticut, i. 61 n., 107, 108, 118; set- 
tlements, i. 128, 132-134, 152, 161, 
162, 163, 165, 166, 178, 180, 200; 



controversy with Plymouth, i. 103, 
109-110, 144, 157, 174-175, 213; 
with the Dutch, i. 103, 109-110, 144, 
157, 301; ii. 32, 132-134, 278, 287; 
with Massachusetts, i. 287-291; In- 
dians in, i. 212, 265-266; ii. 79-80; 
joins confederation, ii. 99-105. 

Cook, George, ii. 140, 143-144. 

Cook, John, ii. 96. 

Copeland, Rev. Patrick, ii. 352. 

Copp's Hill, ii. 63 n. 

Corbet, Miles, ii. 198, 336, 338. 

Corn, cost of, i. 64, 76, 131; used in 
payment of debts, ii. 6; scarcity, ii. 

Cornhill, Mr., ii. 138. 

Cornish, Mr., ii. 218-219. 

Cotton, Rev. John, i. 52 n., 105-106, 
119, 132 n., 135, 170, 174, 182, 267, 

276, 279; ii. 139, 148, 260; preaches, 
i. 15, 107, 133, 145, 231, 299; ii. 30, 
70, 145; in Boston church, i. 108, 
110-111, 114, 116, 128, 179, 319; ii. 
14; upholds the magistrates, i. 124, 
125 n., 143-144; ii.49,211; prepares 
code of laws, i. 196; Way of the Coiv- 
gregational Churches Cleared, i. 220 n., 
233 n.; commercial ethics, i. 317-318; 
Body of Liberties, i. 323; sermons 
printed, ii. 69; see also Antinomian 
controversy; invited to Westminster 
Assembly, i. 223 n.; ii. 71-72; men- 
tioned, i. 120, 128, 142, 177 n., 213, 

277, 285; ii. 20 n., 65, 130, 321 n. 
Cotton, Seaborn, i. 107. 

Council for New England, i. 10, 224 n., 
225 n. 

Council, standing, i. 178; attack on, i. 
304-305; ii. 59-60, 86-88. 

Court, general, see General Court. 

Coventry, R. I., ii. 122 n. 

Cowper, Mr., of Piscataqua, i. 115. 

Coytmore, Thomas, ii. 70, 92, 249. 

Cradock, Matthew, i. 11, 23 n.; sug- 
gests transfer of the government, i. 
14; visits the Arbella, i. 23-24, 26; 
defends the Mass. company, i. 101; 
ii. 195; ordered to give up the patent, 
i. 128-129, 300-301; mentioned, i. 
44, 64, 66, 67, 119. 

Craford, Mr., drowned, i. 130. 

Cromwell, Capt., ii. 272-273, 285. 

Cross, Mr., ii. 289. 

Cross in the flag, see Flag. 

Cura9ao, ii. 181 n., 345 n. 

Customs duties, ii. 97, 246, 277-278. 

Cutshamekin, chief, i. 186, 189; ii. 7, 
75, 123, 276, 319, 344; treaty with, 
i. 192-194; disarmed, ii. 74; submits 
to Massachusetts, ii. 156, 160. 

Cutting, Capt., i. 225. 

Dacre, Francis, ii. 283, 293, 338. 

Dalkin, Mr., ii. 165. 

Dalton, Rev. Timothy, ii. 28, 39, 46, 179. 

Damariscove Island, ii. 350 n. 

Dand, John, ii. 271, 306, 308, 309, 316. 

Dates, method of reckoning, i. 23 n., 

145 n. 
Davenport, Rev. John, i. 223, 232, 247 

n., 249; ii. 71-72; preaches, i. 230, 

235; in New Haven, i. 265, 298, 308. 
Davenport, Richard, i. 137, 186, 227. 
Daye, Stephen, i, 293. 
Dedham, i. 279. 
Deer Island, i. 146. 
Deerfield, ii. 349. 
Defence, ship, i. 160. 
Delaware river, attempt to explore, ii. 

164, 181, 190-191. 
Delaware settlements, ii. 56, 70, 101, 

Dell, George, ii. 329. 
Denison, Daniel, ii. 270. 
Dennison, George, ii. 323-324. 
Deputies, see General Court. 
Desire, ship, i. 187, 260, 331. 
Dexter, H. M., As to Roger Williams and 

his Banishment, i. 57 n., 243. 
Dick, Anthony, i. 291. 
Dickerson, Mr., i. 322. 
Diving bell used in Boston harbor, ii. 

Dobson, Capt., ii. 325-326. 
Dorchester, i. 132, 134 n.; settlers, i, 50, 

52 n., 103, 218 n.; petitions for 

Stoughton, i. 150 ; settlements in 

Conn., i. 157, 174-175, 178; church, 

i. 177, 187; ii. 22-23. 
Dorety, Mr., drowned, i. 141. 
Dove, ship, comes from Maryland, i. 131 
Dover, N. H., i. 96 n., 320, 328; ii. 28 n., 

38, 89. 
Downing, Emanuel, i. 14, 15, 60, 99, 

111, 302; ii. 250; flag episode, i. 141; 

house burned, ii. 220. 
Downing, Sir George, i. 60 n.; ii. 84 n., 




Downing, Lucy, i. 302 n. 

Dudley, Lieut., i. 63. 

Dudley, Thomas, i. 14, 94, 182, 203; ii. 
58, 60, 117, 261" chosen deputy gov- 
ernor, i. 15, 215; ii. 269, 339; rela- 
tions with Winthrop, i. 75, 77, 79, 84- 
88, 91, 113-114, 169-171, 269; Puri- 
tanism of, i. 104-105; chosen gov- 
ernor, i. 125, 135; ii. 3, 229; member 
of standing council, i. 178, 305 n.; re- 
lations with Bellingham, ii. 47, 48; 
commissioner of confederation, ii. 98, 
175; relations with La Tour and 
Aulnay, ii. 131,247,270; mentioned, 
i. 49n., 60, 315n.; ii. 59, 177 n. 

Dummer, Jeremy, i. 80 n. 

Dummer, Richard, i. 80, 81 n., 112, 149, 
215; gift to Winthrop, ii. 4. 

Dummer, William, i. 80 n. 

Dunkirk, i. 27. 

Dunster, Rev. Henry, i. 332 n. 

Durand, Mr., ii. 351. 

Dutch settlers, i. 102, 130; ii. 4-5, 35, 
181, 191; claim Connecticut, i. 109, 
166; ii. 33, 160-161,330-333; Indian 
troubles, i. 139, 219; ii. 95-96, 134, 
276-277; negotiations with Massa- 
chusetts, ii. 141-142, 176, 342, 340- 
347; see also Connecticut. 

Dutch West India Co., i. 109; ii. 33, 
343 n. 

Duxbury, mentioned, i. 200 n. 

Dyer, Mary, i. 266-269. 

Dyer, William, i. 266, 268. 

Eames, Anthony, ii. 229-245. 

Earle, A. M., Margaret Winthrop, ii. 
327 n. 

Earthquake of 1638, i. 270, 292; of 
1643, ii. 91. 

Eastham, i. 166. 

Easton, Nicholas, i. 284; ii. 41. 

Eaton, Nathaniel, i. 310-315; ii. 20, 332, 

Eaton, Theophilus, i. 223, 310; ii. 74, 
161, 278, 287; goes to New Haven, i. 
231, 298; commissioner for confeder- 
ation, ii. 98. 

Edwards, Gangraena, i. 65 n. 

Edye, John, i. 99. 

Eleanor, ship, ii. 57. 

Eliot, Mr., of Ipswich, i. 142. 

Eliot, Jacob, ii. 209-210. 

Eliot, Rev. John, apostle, i. 70, 73, 142: 

ii. 276; minister at Roxbury, i. 94; 
preaches to the Indians, ii. 311, 319- 
321, 324; Christian Commonwealth, 
ii. 321 n. 

Elizabeth Cape, i. 224. 

Elizabeth Bonadventure, ship, i. 102. 

Elizabeth Dorcas, ship, i. 128. 

Elston, John, i. 66. 

Elsynge, H., ii. 90. 

Endeavor, ship, ii. 245. 

Endicott, John, i. 49, 120, 305; ii. 16, 
229, 269, 339; in Salem, i. 10, 11, 62, 
117, 157, 285; ii. 25-26; married, i. 
51; relations with the Indians, i. 61, 
186-189, 191, 194; flag episode, i. 
147, 149-150, 174 n.; member of 
standing council, i. 215, 304, 305 n.; 
deputy governor, ii. 49-50, 58; gov- 
ernor, ii. 169; mentioned, i. 12, 52 n., 
69,212; ii. 20n., 247. 

Epidemics in New England, i. Ill, 119; 
ii. 2()7, 326; in West Indies, ii. 329. 

Essex county, ii. 164 n., 170. 

Everell, James, i. 294. 

Ewre, Mr., i. 228. 

Exeter, N. H., i. 197 n., 237 n., 294, 306, 

Faber, Mr., i. 329. 

Fairfax, Sir Thomas, i. 218 n.; ii. 251. 

Familists, i. 65, 262, .328; ii. 260, 

Fareivelf to the Church of England, i. 26, 
135 n. 

Farrett, James, ii. 4. 

Feake Isle, i. 100. 

Feake, Robert, i. 73. 

Felloivsliip, ship, i. 155 n. 

Fenwick, George, i. 308; ii. 69, 145, 283, 
336, 338; commissioner of confedera- 
tion; ii. 98. 

Feme, Capt., i. 181,224. 

Field, Darby, ascends W'hite Mts., ii. 
62-63, 85. 

Finch, Mr., i. 53. 

Firmin, Giles, i. 110. 

Firmin, of Watertown, i. 54. 

Firnes, Capt., ii. 248. 

Fish, Gabriel, i. 329. 

Fiske, John, Dutch and English Colonies 
in America, ii. 161 n; Old Virginia 
and her Neighbors, ii. 150 n. 

Flag, defaced, i. 137, 141, 145, 147, 149- 
150, 174, 180-182. 

Fleming, Mr., ship master, i. 126. 



Flint, Rev. Henry, i. 315. 

Footman, Mr., ii. 219. 

Ford, W. C, i. 196 n. 

Fort Orange, see Albany. 

Fowle, Thomas, li. 271, 296, 297, 304 n., 

Franklin, William, ii. 187-189. 
Freeman, Samuel, house burned, i. 57. 
Freight, eost of, i. 59. 
French, relations with New England, i. 

97, 145-146, 159, 214; see also Aul- 

nay, Hocking episode, Kennebec, La 

Tour, Penobscot. 
Friendship, ship, i. 65. 
Fryeburg, Me., ii. 85 n. 
Fuller, Samuel, i. 52 n., 94. 

Gabriel, ship, i. 156. 

Gager, William, i. 52. 

Gallop, John, i. 96, 105; Oldham epi- 
sode, i. 183-184. 

Garde, Roger, ii. 219. 

Gardiner, Sir Christopher, i. 64; accused, 
i. 63; petition of, i. 99, 100-101; ii. 
10, 194; answer to petition of, i. 103, 

Gardiner, Lyon, i. 165. 

Garrett, Richard, wrecked, i. 55-56. 

General Court, development of, i. 51, 
52 n., 74, 75 n., 125; representation in, 
i. 79, 122-123, 125, 302; ii. 223; elec- 
tions, i. 63, 150; ii. 36, 327-328; mili- 
tary commission, i. 148; makes corn 
payable for debts, ii. 6, 31; Body of 
Liberties, i. 151, 323-324; ii. 49; 
forms minor courts, i. 178; strife be- 
tween deputies and magistrates, i. 66, 
133-134; ii. 120-121, 170-172, 173- 
174, 211-217, 226-227, 240-244; di- 
vided into two houses, ii. 66 n., 164; 
relations with the clergy, i. 325-327; 
ii. 15, 274; with the French, ii. 203- 
204; with Connecticut, i. 132-134; 
with Rhode Island, i. 262; with 
Maine, ii. 266-267; grants a monop- 
oly for iron works, ii. 222-223; see 
a/.?o Antinomian controversy; Aulnay; 
Child, Robert; Council, standing; 
Flag; Gorton, Samuel; Hingham; La 
Tour; Sherman vs. Keayne; Williams, 

George, ship, i. 208. 

Gibbons, Edward, i. 330; ii. 14, 54, 98, 
150, 247-248, 255, 284, 321; Oldham 

episode, i. 186; .n the West Indies, i. 

Gibbons, Mrs. Edward, ii. 105, 106. 

Gibson, Elizabeth, i. 51. 

Gibson, Rev. Richard, ii. 61. 

Gifford, Abigail, i. 144. 

Gift, ship, i. 51, 53. 

Gillow, Mr., i. 278. 

Girhng, Capt., i. 159, 163. 

Gloucester, ii. 59. 

Glover, Mr., died, i. 293. 

Glover, John, of Dorchester, i. 58, 207. 

Godfrey, Edward, i. 92. 

Goffe, Thomas, i. 15, 30, 53. 

Goffe, William, regicide, i. 223 n. 

Goodwin, Rev., ii. 72 n., 279. 

Goodwin, Rev. William, i. 134. 

Goodyear, Moses, ii. 61 n. 

Goodyear, Stephen, ii. 287. 

Gookin, Daniel, ii. 168 n. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, i. 8, 9, 10, 64, 
181 n., 190; ii. 8, 289, 338; hostile to 
Mass., i. 29 n., 99, 101, 153 n.; ii. 10; 
sends out the Warwick, i. 29; sends 
commission to Mass. Bay,i. 224; con- 
tention with Rigby, ii. 266-267; men- 
tioned, i. 13, 54, 129, 306 n., 330; ii. 

Gorges, Robert, i. 52 n. 

Gorges, Thomas, ii. 8, 85. 

Gorton, Samuel, ii. 53, 261; Indians 
and, ii. 122, 134, 136 n., 156, 168, 169, 
334; defies the General court, ii. 123, 
139, 140; captured, ii. 141, 143-144; 
tried, 145-148; punished, 148-150, 
160; in England, 282-283, 292-293; 
complaints answered, 309-315, 335- 
338; returns to Boston, 340-341. 

Government, see General Court. 

Governor's Island, i. 146; ii. 55 n. 

Grafton, Joseph, i. 334. 

Grant, capt. of the James, i. 81, 111. 

Grant, John, ii. 195. 

Grant, John, capt. of the Handmaid, i. 

Graves, mate of the Arbella, i. 31. 

Graves, capt. of the Plantation, i. 24. 

Graves, capt. of the Plough, i. 65. 

Graves, Capt. Thomas, i. 80, 102, 103, 
104, 152, 153; ii. 157. 

Gray, Thomas, i, 87. 

Great Hope, ship, i. 155, 159. 

Greene, Henry, ii. 155, 262. 

Greene, John, i. 261, 287; ii. 282, 313. 



Greene, Nathaniel, i. 262 n. 
Green's Harbor, see Marshfield. 
Greensmith, Stephen, i. 211, 228. 
Gn^/i, ship, i. 105, 111, 134. 
Griffin's Gap, i. 105. 
Grigson, Thomas, ii. 98, 275, 286. 
Gurdon, John, ii. 198. 
Gurnett's Nose, i. 66, 100. 

Haines, John, see Haynes, John. 

Hale, Edward Everett, ii. 321 n. 

Hale, Sarah, ii. 47. 

Hales, Mr., ii. 7-8. 

Hall, Mr., i. 118. 

Hammond, murdered, ii. 81. 

Hampton, N. H., i. 197 n., 237 n., 274, 
293, 294, 308; church difficulties, ii. 
179, 221. 

Handmaid, ship, i. 53. 

Harding, Robert, ii. 41. 

Harlakenden, Mabel, i. 281 n. 

Harlakenden, Roger, i. 281. 

Harley, Robert, ii. 198. 

Hartford, i. 288 n., see also Connecticut. 

Harvard, Rev. John, i. 270 n.; ii. 84 n. 

Harvard College, i. 270 n., 312 n., 332 n.; 
ii. 152, 222 n., 223, 224; first com- 
mencement, ii. 84. 

Harvey, Sir John, i. 126. 

Harwood, Henry, i. 56. 

Haryson, Rev., ii. 351. 

Haselrig, Sir Arthur, i. 308n.; ii. 336, 338. 

Hatherley, Timothy, i. 81. 

Haugh, see Hough, Atherton. 

Haverhill, ii. 99, 199, 262. 

Hawkins, Jane, i. 266, 268; ii. 8. 

Hawkins, Thomas, ii. 136, 137, 248-250, 
284, 285. 

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, ii. 49 n. 

Hawthorne, William, ii. 49, 59, 98, 175, 

Haynes, John, i. 106, 113, 171, 271, 281 
n.; ii. 289; assistant, i. 125; governor, 
i. 149, 150; in Connecticut, i. 213, 
289; confederation of colonies, i. 288, 
301 ; ii. 98; warns against the Indians, 
ii. 6, 74, 131. 

Hector, ship, i. 181, 182, 223. 

Hercides, ship, i. 127. 

Heme, Mr., i. 284. 

Hett, Mrs., ii. 132. 

Hibbins, William, i. 321, 330; ii. 98, 
231 ; commissioner to England, ii. 25, 
32, 70, 71. 

Hiccock, William, gifts of, i. 182. 

Higginson, Francis, i. 10, 11, 49 n., 62 n. 

Higginson, John, i. 186. 

Hilton, Edward, i. 96 n., 280, 285, 295. 

Hilton, William, i. 96 n. 

Hingham, i. 134 n., 154, 218 n., 287, 305; 
militia trouble, ii. 229-245; church, 
ii. 278. 

Hispaniola, i. 222. 

Hobart, Joshua, fined, ii. 237. 

Hobart, Rev. Peter, ii. 230-232, 244r- 
245, 264-266, 289-290, 330. 

Hobbamock, i. 260. 

Hocking episode, i. 123-124, 128, 129, 
131, 137. 

Hoddy, John, murdered, i. 235. 

Hodges, Capt., i. 100, 153. 

Hoffe, see Hough, Atherton. 

Holden, Randall, ii. 282, 283, 313, 335. 

Holiman, Ezekiel, i. 297. 

Holland, Earl, i. 283; ii. 198, 283, 293, 
336, 338. 

Holmes, William, i. 94. 

Hooke, William, ii. 128. 

Hooker, Rev. Thomas, i. 90, 105-106, 
306; in Massachusetts, i. Ill, 113, 
132-133, 142, 163, 170, 173 n.; in 
Connecticut, i. ISO, 181 n., 290, 301; 
in the synod, i. 232; ii. 139; invited 
to Westminster assembly, i. 223 n., 
li. 71-72; Siirvei/ of the Summe of 
Church Discipline, ii. 257; dies, ii. 
326-327; mentioned, i. 130, 147, 165, 
229,230; ii. 249. 

Hopewell, ship, i. 24, 51; ii. 154. 

Hopkins, Ann, ii. 225. 

Hopkins, Edward, i. 223; ii. 98, 225, 

Hopkins, Richard, i. 90. 

Hosmer, J. K., Life of Young Sir Henry 
Vane, i. 229 n.; Samuel Adams, i. 4. 

Hough, Atherton, i. 106, 146, 149, 155, 

Hough, Rev. Samuel, i. 312 n. 

Houghton, Robert, gifts of, i. 182. 

Howe, Daniel, ii. 5 n., 81. 

Howe, Edward, i. 299; ii. 47. 

Hubbard, W., History of New Eng- 
land, 1. 1.37 n. 

Hubbert, see Hobart. 

Hudson, William, fi. 253. 

Hudson River, i. 99, 109. 

Hue Cross, later Hue's Folly, i. 94. 

Hull, Rev., i. 154; ii. 99, 219. 



Hull, i. 182; named, ii. 178. 

Humfrey, John, i. 10, 14, 100, 101, 128; 
ii. 38, 39, 70, 126 n., 151, 195; depu- 
ty-governor, i. 15; assistant, i. 79; 
arrives, i. 127; wishes to go to West 
Indies, i. 333; ii. 11, 26; returns to 
England, ii. 82. 

Humfrey, Lady Susan, i. 127. 

Hurlston, Nicholas, eapt. of the Jewel, 
i. 24, 29, 151. 

"Husbandmen", i. 65, 81 n.; ii. 158 n. 

Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, i. 80 n., 226; 
ii. 7, 28, 259; arrives, i. 134 n.; be- 
lief, i. 195-199; holds meetings, i. 
234 n.; banished, i. 240, 264; exami- 
nations of, i. 243-255, 260-261, 263; 
and Mary Dyer, i. 266-267; in Rhode 
Island, i. 264, 277, 284, 297, 331 n.; 
ii. 39; killed by Indians, ii. 138, 27&- 
277; see also Antinomian contro- 

Hutchinson, Francis, ii. 39-40. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, History of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay, i. 125 n.; ii. 177 n., 
248 n. 

Hutchinson, William, i. 299, 331 n. 

Increase, ship, ii. 93. 

Indians, attacks of, i. 66, 69, 76, 118; ii. 
167-168, 246; fear of, i. 91-92; ii. 
6-7, 74-81, 135; mortality among, i. 
Ill, 114-115; treatment of, ii. 18- 
19, 124-126, 328; customs, i. 131; 
Connecticut and the, i. 208; Dutch 
and the, ii. 95-96, 137; instructed, ii. 
224, 319-321, 324; treaties with, i. 
138-140, 19a-194; ii. 125-126; kill 
Oldham, i. 18^185, 186-189; kill 
Mrs. Hutchinson, ii. 138, 276; yield 
to Massachusetts, ii. 156; see also 
names of tribes. 

Inglee, capt. of the Eleanor, ii. 57. 

Intolerance, beginning, i. 12-13. 

Ipswich, i. 50 n., 66, 114, 134 n., 167 n., 
200 n., 218 n.; ii. 262; founded, i. 
98, 99, 126; named, i. 130; visited by 
Winthrop, i. 123, 223; founds New- 
bury, i. 151. 

Iron works, ii. 222-223. 

Isles of Shoals, i. 46; ii. 61. 

Jack Straw, Indian, i. 61. 
Jackson, Capt., i. 310; ii. 272. 
Jackson, Mr., i. 195. 

Jackson, seaman, ii. 17. 
James, Thomas, of Providence, i. 274. 
James, Rev. Thomas, i. 95; church dif- 
ficulty, i. 121, 176; goes to Virginia, 

ii. 94. 
James Sagamore, chief, i. 60, 67, 90, 115. 
James River, Va., i. 186. 
James, ship, i. 81, 111, 152, 153, 156. 
Janemoh, Indian, i. 238, 272, 273; ii. 7. 
Jeffery, William, i. 1.30; ii. 194. 
Jenkins, killed by an Indian, i. 91. 
Jenner, Rev. Thomas, i. 258. 
Jennison, William, i. 126, 186; ii. 7, 14, 

Jermin, Sir Thomas, i. 101. 
Jeivel, ship, i. 24, 50. 
Jewell, drowned, i. 238. 
Jocelin, Henry, agent for Gorges, ii. 

John Sagamore, chief, i. 60, 61, 64, 65, 

67, 76; dies, i. 114. 
Johnson, Mr., i. 88. 
Johnson, of Hingham, ii. 321. 
Johnson, Lady Arbella, i. 23 n., 26, 28, 

35 n., death, i. 52. 
Johnson, Edward, i. 86; ii. 88 n., 140; 

Wonder-W orbing Providence,\. 86 n., 

219 n., 300 n.; ii. 88 n., 316 n. 
Johnson, Edward, of York, ii. 219. 
Johnson, Isaac, i. 14, 15, 26; death, i. 52. 
Johnson, John, house is burned, ii. 220- 

Johnston, Alexander, Connecticut, i. 

181 n. 
Jones, Rev., minister at Concord, i. 160, 

182, 212. 
Jones, Augustine, Thomas Dudley, i. 

270 n. 
Jones, Margaret, ii. 344-345. 
Josias, chief, ii. 156. 
Joy, Thomas, ii. 30S-309. 
Jury, grand, first, i. 157. 

Keayne, Robert, i. 241 n. ; charged with 

extortion, i. 315-318; fined, ii. 4; 

sued, ii. 64-66, 116-120, 164 n. 
Keisser, Mr., i. 322. 
Kennebec, ii. 64, 86; Plymouth trade at, 

i. 129, 213; see also Hocking episode. 
Kerman, Capt., ii. 126, 249. 
Kettle Island, i. 137. 
Keyser, Thomas, ii. 251-253. 
Kieft, Gov. William, i. 301 n.; ii. 5, 95, 




Kirk, Sir David, i. 36 n.; ii. 248, 255. 
KnoUvs, Rev. Hanserd, i. 295, 309, 328; 

ii. 27-28. 
Knor'?, Mr., ii. 44. 
Kno^/les, Rev. John, ii. 17; goes to 

Virginia, ii. 73, 94-95. 
Knox, Rev. John, mentioned, i. 105. 

Laconia, i. 29 n., 65; ii. 157-158, 266- 
287, 338. 

Lanberton, Mr., ii. 134, 141-142, 257, 

La icaster, Mass., ii. 155, 164^165, 343. 

La id allotment, i. 143-144. 

La'kham, Rev. Thomas, ii. 27-28, 61, 

Lauham, Mary, ii. 161-163. 

La hrop. Rev. John, i. 134, 136. 

La Tour, Charles de, attacks traders, i. 
113, 146; ii. 128-130; negotiations 
with, ii. 43, 85, 109-116, 127-128, 
181-183, 201-205, 254, 284-286; vis- 
its Boston, ii. 105-108, 130-131, 178, 
194, 248, 255; trade with, ii. 88, 132, 
151, 204-205; controversy with Aul- 
nay, ii. 85 n., 136-137, 180, 197, 225- 
226; his fort taken, ii. 247; marriage, 
ii. 248 n.; turns pirate, ii. 275; see 
also Aulnay. 

La Tour, Lady, ii. 226; arrives in Bos- 
ton; ii. 197, 208; suit of, ii. 199, 204, 
205-206, 208-209, 256; sails for La 
Tour's fort, ii. 206; returns to Lon- 
don, ii. 209, 247. 

Laud, Archbishop, ii. 31 n. 

Laws, see Body of Liberties. 

Lechford, Thomas, Plain Dealing, ii. 
53 n. 

Lenthall, Rev. Robert, i. 292-293; ii. 

Leverett, John, i. 110 n.; ii. 253, 254 n., 

Leverett, Thomas, i. 110. 

Leveridge, Rev. William, i. Ill, 332. 

Levett, Capt., i. 49, 99. 

Levinston, Rev., i. 127. 

Ley, Lord, i. 223, 225. 228, 229. 

Linne, Henry, see Lynn, Henry. 

LioU, Francis, ii. 253. 

Little Neptune, ship, i. 28. 

Long Island, i. 109, 224; ii. 4, 35. 

Lothrop, Rev. John, see Lathrop, Rev. 

Louis, Aulnay's agent, ii. 284. 

Lovell, William, i. 166. 

Lovell's Island, i. 105; ii. 263. 

Lowe, John, capt. of the.-l mbrose,\. 24,58. 

Luddam, a guide, i. 94. 

Ludlow, Roger, i. 50, 66, 78, 108, 130, 

149, 289; ii. 74; deputy-governor, i. 

125; opposes the Conn, settlement, 

i. 133; in Pequot war, i. 226, 229. 
Luxon, capt. of the Fellowship, i. 154. 
Lygonia, see Laconia. 
Lynn, Henry, i. 67. 
Lynn, i. 69, 113, 134 n., 218 n., 223, 278; 

ii. 4; church, i. 148, 169, 199, 292. 
Lyon, ship, i. 51, 57, 70, 92. 

Machias, i. 113, 146; ii. 129. 

Madeira, ii. 89. 

Magistrates, see General Court. 

Maine, i. 306 n.; ii. 266-267; not in- 
cluded in confederation of colonies, 
ii. 99; see also Gorges. 

Makeshift, ship, ii. 18. 

Malbon, Richard, ii. 93. 

Manchester, ii. 228, 262. 

Manchester, Earl of, ii. 293, 336, 338. 

Manemett Bay, i. 165. 

Manhattan, ii. 181 n. ; see also Dutch 

Mansell, Sir Robert, i. 47 n. 

Mansfield, Mr., i. 141. 

Marble Harbor, i. 92, 119. 

Marblehead, i. 119, 151, 187, 218 n. 

Marie, Aulnay's agent, ii. 201-203, 

Marine, Dutch captain, ii. 95. 

Mariot, Mr., ii. 249. 

Marlborough, Earl of, ii. 228. 

Marlorat, Augustin, ii. 85 n. 

Marshall, Mr., i. 141. 

Marshfield, ii. 58 n. 

Martha's Vineyard, ii. 154. 

Martin, Mary, ii. 317-318. 

Mary and Jane, ship, i. 100, 153. 

Mary and John, ship, i. 50. 

Mary Rose, ship, ii. 9-10, 67-68, 69. 

Maryland, i. 126, 131, 152; ii. 67, 150. 

Mascononoco, Indian, ii. 160. 

Masham, William, ii. 198. 

Mason, John, patentee of New Hamp- 
shire, i. 29, 129; hostile to Mass., i. 
99, 101, 152; death, i. 181; ii. 10. 

Mason, Capt. John, of Connecticut, i. 
218, 272; ii. 10 n., 328; see also 
Pequot war. 



Massachusetts, early settlements, i. 9- 
12; charter, i. 10-11; relations with 
England, i. 101, 103, 104, 127-128, 
129, 145, 148, 152, 224, 265, 269, 272; 
ii. 24, 25, 31, 42, 299-303, 314-315; 
Plymouth boundary, i. 287; ii. 16, 26; 
Connecticut and, i, 287-291; New 
Hampshire and, ii. 43; Rhode Island 
and, ii. 53, 81; settlers leave, i. 333- 
335; ii. 19, 82-84; joins confedera- 
tion, ii. 99-105; counties, ii. 164 n.; 
see also General Court. 

Massachusetts Records, ii. 275 n. 

Massasoit, chief, i. 76, 131, 269; ii. 67, 

Masters, John, i. 73, 83. 

Masters' Brook, named, i. 73, 

Mather, Rev. Cotton, i. 177 n.; ii. 22, 
346 n.; quoted, i. 11-12; ii. 321 n. 

Mather, Increase, i. 177 n. 

Mather, Rev. Richard, i. 156 n., 177; 
ii. 276. 

Mattakeese, see Yarmouth. 

Mattapan, see Dorchester. 

Mattapan Point, i. 146. 

Matthews, Rev. Marmaduke, i. 277. 

Maverick, Rev. John, of Dorchester, i. 
75, 84; died, i. 174. 

Maverick, Samuel, i. 9, 50, 76, 96, 136, 
225; ii. 47, 271, 296, 304, 305 n.; 
kindness to Indians, i. 114-115; vis- 
its Virginia, i. 185; entertains La 
Tour, ii. 248; Child petition, ii. 316. 

Mayflower, ship, i. 24, 50. 

Mead, E. D., ed. Mass. Body of Liber- 
ties, i. 323 n. 

Medford, i. Ill, 134 n., 218 n. 

Merrimac, i. 73, 86, 133, 274. 

Merry Mount, see Wollaston, Mount. 

Metacom, see Philip, King. 

Mewtis, Thomas, i. 278. 

Miantonomoh, chief, i. 89, 272; Old- 
ham episode, i. 184-186; visits Bos- 
ton, i. 190; ii. 14-15; treaty with, i. 
192-194, 238; in Pequot war, i. 212, 
218, 225, 231; suspected, ii. 6-7; 
questioned, ii. 77-79; sells land to 
Gorton, ii. 122-123; feud with Un- 
cas, ii. 76-80, 131-132; captured, ii. 
134-135; killed, ii. 136, 140, 204, 254. 

Middleborough, i. 63 n. 

Middlesex county formed, ii. 164 n. 

Milbome, Peter, capt. of the Arbella, i. 

Mildmay, H., ii. 336. 

Militia, i. 91-92, 299; ii. 42, 107-108, 

Miller, Rev. John, ii. 73. 

Miller, Thomas, i. 181. 

Mishaomet, ii. 229. 

Mishawum, see Charlestown. 

Mistick fight, i. 220-221. I 

Mitton, Mr., ii. 317. ] 

Mohawks, i. 63, 91, 138 n.; ii. 6-7. 

Mohegans, i. 271 n. 

Molten Point, Charlestown, i. 146. 

Monadnoc, i. 73 n. 

Monhegan, Me., i. 47; ii. 350 n. 

Mononottoh, chief, i. 227, 229. 

Moody, Lady Deborah, ii. 126, 138, 2^9. 

Moodye, John, of Roxbury, i. 103. 

Morris, Richard, i. 121. 

Morton, Thomas, i. 9, 50 n., 53 n., 69 n., 
81 n.; imprisoned, i. 52 n., 53; com- 
plaints, i. 64, 99, 101; ii. 10; letter to 
Jeffery, i. 130; ii. 194-196; returns 
to Boston, ii. 154; New English Ca- 
naan, ii. 154 n.; accused, ii. 194; 
fined, ii. 196. 

Motham, Mr., ensign, i. 126. 

Mount Desert, sighted, i. 47, 48. 

Mount Mansell, see Mount Desert. 

Mount Wollaston, see Wollaston. 

Mowlson, Lady, ii. 222. 

Muddy River, see Brookline. 

MUnster, treaty of, ii. 343 n. 

Musketaquid, see Concord. 

Mystic River, i. 50. 

Namasket, see Middleborough. 

Nantasket, i. 50, 97, 98. 

Nantucket, i. 109, 138. 

Narragansett Bay, i. 168; ii. 292-293; 
described, i. 138. 

Narragansett Indians, i. 76, 91, 139- 
140, 289; ii. 272; war with Uncas, ii. 
254, 349-350; see also Miantono- 
moh, Pequot Indians. 

Nashacowam, chief, ii. 160. 

Nashaway, see Lancaster. 

Naumkeag, see Salem. 

Nawset, see Eastham. 

Neal, Walter, i. 64, 69, 92, 95, 96; vis- 
its Boston, i. 54, 104; agent of Gor- 
ges, 101. 

Neale, Mr., comes from Maryland, ii. 67. 

Neipnett Indians, i. 91. 

Neponset River, i. 59 n., 74, 140. 



New Albion, 11. 343 n. 

New England confederacy, see Confed- 
eration of the colonies. 

New England council, see Council for 
New England. 

New England's First Fruits, 11. 325 n. 

New Hampshire, i. 29 n., 54, 64, 95, 
101, 129, 294; purchased by Lord 
Say, 1. Ill; church, 1. 284; 11. 27-28; 
relations with Massachusetts, i. 274, 
280, 295-296, 300; 11. 38, 42-43. 

New Haven, i. 226, 231; 11. 7, 346; set- 
tlers, i. 265, 298; settlement on Dela- 
ware, 11. 56, 70; joins confederation, 
il. 99-105; difficulties with the Dutch 
and Swedes, 11. 160, 331-333. 

New Netherlands, see Dutch settlers. 

New Somersetshire, 1. 224. 

Newbury, 1. 151, 218 n.; church, 11. 126, 

Newman, Capt., i. 277, 283; il. 11. 

Newport, R. I., 1.331; 11.41. 

Newtown, see Cambridge. 

Nlantlcs, i. 226, 272; 11. 78, 272, 349- 

Ninlcraft, chief, 11. 327, 350. 

Noddle, William, drowned, 1. 83. 

Noddle's Island, 1. 55, 141, 146, 225. 

Norcross, Rev. Nathaniel, 11. 164. 

Norfolk, Va., 11. 73 n. 

Norfolk county formed, 11. 164 n. 

Norrls, Rev. Edward, 1. 331, 332 n.; il. 
60, 227, 268. 

Northumberland, Earl of, li. 198, 293. 

Norton, Capt. John, 1. 118. 

Norton, Rev. John, 1. 167, 223 n.; ii. 
175 n., 227, 280-281, 295. 

Nottingham, Earl of, 11. 283, 293. 

Newell, Increase, i. 14, 60, 66, 71, 73, 
84, 121; chosen an elder, i. 52; sec- 
retary, ii. 313, 314. 

Nye, Rev., 11. 72 n., 279. 

Okey, Col., 11. 250 n., 251. 

Old South Church, i. 319 n. 

Oldham, John, i. 9, 83, 90, 108, 138; 

killed by Indians, i. 183-185; avenged, 

i. 186-189, 228. 
Oliver, Mrs., i. 285-286. 
Oliver, John, i. 330, 331 n.; 11. 267. 
Oliver, Peter, Puritan Commonwealth, 

i. 13. 
Oliver, Thomas, i. 95, 97. 
Ong, Mr., i. 57. 

Onion, Mrs. Mary, 11. 93. 
Osamequln, see Massasoit. 
Owen, Rev., 11. 72 n. 
Owen, Thomas, 11. 47. 
Oyster Bay, 11. 5 n. 

Paddock's Island, 1. 332. 

Page, John, i. 63. 

Painter, Thomas, 11. 177. 

Palfrey, J. G., History of New Eng- 
land, 1. 217, 305 n.; 11. 19 n., 348 n. 

Palma Island, ii. 126. 

Palmer, Capt., i. 180, 181. 

Palmer, John, 1. 332. 

Parish, Mr., il. 89. 

Parker, Rev. James, il. 89-90. 

Parker, Rev. Thomas, 1. 126. 

Parliament, English, il. 19 n., 24-25; 
customs duties, 11. 97, 246. 

Partridge, Alexander, 11. 260. 

Partridge, Rev. Ralph, 1. 200. 

Passaconamy, chief, 1. 91; 11. 77; dis- 
armed, 11. 75; submits to Massachu- 
setts, 11. 169, 223. 

Patrick, Capt. Daniel, i. 52 n., 78; ii. 

Patuxit, 11. 126 n., 139, 229. 

Pawtucket River, trading house at, 11. 

Payton, Bezaleel, 11. 353. 

Peach, Arthur, executed, 1. 274. 

Peck, Joseph, 11. 224. 

Peck, Rev. Robert, 1. 279. 

Peirce, Mr., i. 106. 

Peirce, Capt. William, 1. 49, 71, 92, 94, 
221, 228, 260, 278; brings Roger Wil- 
liams, i. 57; brings Margaret Win- 
throp, i. 70; shipwrecked, i. 100; ex- 
plores Narragansett Bay, i. 138; 
makes almanac, 1. 293; killed, ii. 34. 

Pekoath, see Pequot. 

Pelham, Herbert, ii. 18, 152, 229, 269. 

Pelham, William, i. 30. 

Pelham Neck, 11. 138. 

Pemaquid, 1. 49, 95, 201 ; 11. 270. 

Pembroke, Earl of, 11. 293, 336. 

Pennacook, see Concord, N. H. 

Pennington, Isaac, 11. 198. 

Penobscot, 11. 270; attacked by French, 
i. 82, 157; by English, 1. 159; 11. 115; 
by Wannerton, 11. 180. 

Pepys, Samuel, Diary, 11. 250 n. 

Pequod River, see Thames River. 

Pequot Indians, 1. 61, 76, 79, 189 n., 236, 



266, 289; ii. 56; kill Capt. Stone, i. 
118; desire friendship, i. 138-149; 
treaty with, criticised by Eliot, i. 142; 
Endicott's expedition against, i. 186- 
189; treaty against, i. 193-194. 

Pequot war, i. 218-219, 225, 226-228, 
229, 230, 231, 238; causes, i. 183- 
189; Plymouth joins in, i. 21^-214, 
222; Mistick fight, i. 220-221; 
swamp fight, i. 227; mentioned, i. 
83n.,217n.; ii. 115. 

Percy, Marmaduke, i. 319-320. 

Perkins, Mr., i. 57. 

Pesecus, chief, ii. 143, 157, 168-169, 350. 

Peter, Rev. Hugh, i. 160, 169, 179, 
283; encourages fishery, i. 165, 108; 
buys provisions, i. 178; preaches to 
the sailors, i. 182; ii. 20; reproves 
Vane, i. 203-204; urges ship building, 
ii. 23; at Piscataqua, ii. 28, 39; com- 
missioner to England, i. 81 n. ; ii. 25, 
32, 33, 70, 72, 256, 295. 

Peter, Rev. Thomas, ii. 275. 

Petfree, Capt., i. 222. 

Phihp, King, chief, i. 76 n.; ii. 136 n., 
254 n. 

Phillips, Rev. George, i. 37, 38, 52 n., 
53, 66, 71; ii. 17 n.; buried, ii. 174. 

Phillips, Rev. John, ii. 83. 

Pierson, Rev. Abraham, ii. 5. 

Pigwacket, see Fryeburg, Me. 

Pinchon, William, see Pynchon, Wil- 

Pirates, i. 95-96, 98, 101. 

Piscataqua, see New Hampshire. 

Pitt of Hingham, ii. 321. 

Plaistowe, Josias, i. 68, 

Plantation, ship, i. 24. 

Plantations, commissioners for, see 
Commissioners of plantations. 

Plough, ship, i. 65, 67. 

Plough patent, see Laconia. 

Plowden, Sir Edmund, ii. 343. 

Plumb Island, i. 143. 

Plymouth, i. 67, 81 n., 93, 331; ii. 272; 
claims in Connecticut, i. 103, 109, 
144, 157, 174-175, 213; claims in 
Maine, i. 82, 123-124, 129, 157, 159; 
relations with Massachusetts, i. 76, 
86, 287, 305; ii. 16, 26, 175, 221; re- 
lations with Rhode Island, ii. 228- 
229, 261-262; Indians, i. 213-214, 
222, 273-274; joins confederation, 
ii. 99-105. 

Pocock, John, ii. 222. 

Pocumtuckett, sec Deerfield. 

Pokanoket, i. 76 n. 

Poole, Elizabeth, i. 259. 

Pormont, Philemon, ii. 224 n. 

Port Royal, i. 48. 

Portsmouth, N. H., ii. 28 n; see also 
New Hampshire. 

Portugal ship, taken, ii. 251-252. 

Potomac River, i. 110. 

Powder Horn hill, i. 237. 

Powell, Capt. i. 185. 

Powell, Michael, ii. 341. 

Pratt, John, of Newtown, i. 165; ii. 249. 

Prence, Thomas, i. 93 n., 159, 273 n. 

Prescott, of Sudbury, ii. 322. 

Prices, i. 126, 152, 176, 200; ii. 19, 31, 
91-92; regulation of, i. 112; ii. 6. 

Prichard, Hugh, ii. 323-324, 350. 

Princeton, i. 73; ii. 156 n., 160. 

Printing press, i. 293. 

Providence, R. I., i. 274; ii. relations 
with Massachusetts, i. 262; ii. 53, 81, 
338; see also Gorton Samuel, and 
Wilfiams, Roger. 

Providence, West Indies, i.228, 260, 278, 
283 n., 333; ii. 11-12; church diffi- 
culties, ii. 33; captured by Spaniards, 
ii. 34-35. 

Prudden. Rev. Peter, i. 265. 

Pullen Pointy i. 92, 258. 

Pumham, chief, ii. 122-126, 156, 172; 
and Gorton, ii. 150; English aid, ii. 
173, 176; complaints of, ii. 135, 333- 

Purefoy, William, ii. 283, 293, 336, 338. 

Pykering, Gilbert, ii. 198. 

Pynchon, William, i. 14, 35, 70, 288, 
290; ii. 344; in Pequot war, i. 229. 

Quarantine, ii. 329. 
Quascacunquen, see Newbury. 
Quinepiack, see New Haven. 

Radcliffe, Anne, ii. 222 n. 
Rainsborough, Col., ii. 253. 
Raleigh, Sir Walter, i. 61. 
Ratcliffe, Philip, i. 87, 99; ii. 196; ban- 
ished, i. 64; petitions the king, i. 101. 
Razilly, Claude, i. 157 n., 163; ii. 85 n. 
Reading, ii. 228, 262. 
Rebecca, ship, i. Ill, 138, 144, 166, 176. 
Redman, Mr., ii. 246-247. 
Regard, ship, i. 140. 



Rehoboth, ii. 26, 221, 224. 

Representation, see General Court. 

Revell, John, i. 44. 

Rhode Island, i. 143 n., 264 n., 273, 
299; ii. 198 n.; church, ii. 14; sends 
to Boston for powder, ii. 175; see also 

Richard, ship, i. 111. 

Richardson, Capt., ii. 199-201. 

Richelieu, i. 97 n. 

Richmond Island, i. 98, 120; ii. 61; 
murder at, i. 69. 

Rigby, Alexander, ii. 157, 266-267, 338. 

Rigby, Ferdinand, ii. 283. 

Roberts, agent of Gorges, ii. 266. 

Roberts, of New Hampshire, i. 329. 

Robinson, Rev. John, i. 15, 105 n. 

Rochett, La Tour's messenger, ii. 43. 

Roden, R. F., Cambridge Press, i. 293 n. 

Roe, Sir Thomas, i. 26. 

Rogers, Rev. Ezekiel, i. 281-282; ii. 
117; founds Rowley, i. 298, 325; de- 
sires more land, ii. 15-17; preaches 
election sermon, ii. 97-98; preaches at 
synod, ii. 324. 

Rogers, Rev. Nathaniel, i. 200. 

Rogers, Rev. Richard, i. 281, 298, 

Rolle, John, ii. 336. 

Rose, master of the Mary and Jane, i. 
100, 153. 

Rossiter, Edward, i. 50, 53. 

Roswell, Sir Henry, i. 10. 

Rowley, i. 282; ii. 15-17, 122, 199; 
founded, i. 297-298. 

Roxbury, i. 35 n., 87, 134 n., 151, 218 n.; 
site, i. 54; guarded, i. 62; church, i. 
84, 94, 258; watermill at, i. 112; peti- 
tions for three deputies, i. 303; free 
school, ii. 224. 

Rudyer, Benjamin, ii. 293. 

Ryall, Mr., i. 306. 

Sabbath, observance of, ii. 286. 

Sable Island, i. 153, 231, 307; ii. 35, 62. 

Saco River, ii. 85. 

Sacononoco, chief, ii. 122-126, 150, 

156, 333-334. 
Sagadahoc, i. 65, 224, 306; ii. 157. 
Sagus, see Lynn. 
St. Christopher island, i. 66 n., 283; 

described, i. 151 ; trade with, ii. 92. 
St. John, Oliver, ii. 198. 
St. John River, ii. 88. 
St. Patrick, ship, i. 180. 

Salem, i. 10, 49, 134 n., 157, 218 n., 223; 
petitions for land, i. 155; church, i. 
179, 331; ii. 26, 278; see also Flag 
defaced, and Williams, Roger. 

Salem, N. J., ii. 142 n. 

Salisbury, i. 308 n. 

Saltonstall, Richard, i. 215; ii. 66 n., 
190, 218, 305; treatise against the 
council, ii. 59-60, 86-88, 117, 241. 

Saltonstall, Sir Richard, i. 14, 25, 35, 
52 n., 60, 71, 101, 152, 163. 

Salway, Richard, ii. 336. 

Sandwich, i. 259, 332. 

Sassacus, chief, i. 232 n.; see Pequot 

Savage, James, i. 16-18, 242; ii. 11. 

Saybrook, i. 165 n., 190; ii. 33, 69; In- 
dian attacks near, i. 191-192, 208; 
defended by Mass. men, i. 212; Pe- 
quot war, i. 218; fort burned, ii. 328. 

Saye and Sele, Lord, i. Ill, 124, 125 n., 
152, 305 n., 334; ii. 338; Hocking 
episode, i. 137; Connecticut settle- 
ments, i. 161, 165. 

Sayle, William, ii. 351-353. 

Schooler, William, hanged, i. 236-238, 

Schools established, ii. 224. 

Scituate, i. 81 n., 99, 287; ii. 16. 

Scott, Mr., of Ipswich, i. 142. 

Scott, Richard, i. 297. 

Scottish plantation near Cape Sable, i. 

Scurvy, settlers suffer from, i. 58. 

Seabridge, ship, ii. 96. 

Seacunk, sec Rehoboth. 

Seafort, vessel, ii. 248-249. 

Scales, John, i. 119. 

Sears, ii. 318. 

Sedgwick, Maj. Robert, ii. 255, 286. 

Sequasson, chief, ii. 131-132, 348-349. 

Sequin, chief, i. 265, 299. 

Servants, scarcity of, ii. 228. 

Sewall, Henry, i. 141. 

Sewell, Nathaniel, ii. 187. 

Shaomet, ii. 126 n., 335-336, 341. 

Sharp, Thomas, i. 59, 60. 

Sharpe, John, i. 14. 

Shaw, Mr., i. 195. 

Shawmut, see Boston. 

Shepard, Rev. Thomas, i. 160, 216, 311; 
ii. 55, 223; at Cambridge church, i. 
173-174; in the synod, i. 232. Day- 
breaking if not the Sunr-rising of the 



Gospell with the Indians, ii. 325 n. 

Clear Sunshine of the Gospel, ii. 325 n. 
Sherman vs. Keayne, ii. 64-66, 116- 

120, 164 n. 
Sherwood, Rev., ii. 33. 
Ship, apparition of, ii. 346. 
Ship building, i. 65; ii. 23-24, 31, 60, 

Ships taken in Boston harbor, ii. 183- 

187, 190, 197, 199-201, 241-242, 

Sholy, Mary, murdered, i. 236-238. 
Shurd, Abraham, i. 67, 82; ii. 43, 180. 
Silvester, Richard, i. 293; ii. 72. 
Simmes, Rev. Zechariah, see Symmes. 
Simons, Samuel, see Symonds. 
Skelton, Rev. Samuel, i. 12, 49, 98, 112; 

died, i. 130. 
Slafter, E. F., Sir William Alexander, ii. 

Slaves, i. 260; ii. 227-228, 252-253. 
Small-pox among the Indians, i. Ill, 119. 
Smith, James, ii. 251-253. 
Smith, John, of Providence, ii. 271, 

296, 297, 306, 308; 316; fined, ii. 

304; imprisoned, ii. 309. 
Smith, Capt. John, of Virginia, i. 51 n. 
Smith, Rev. Ralph, i. 93,128,167; ii.262. 
Smyth, John, i. 293. 
Snelling, George, ii. 283, 293, 336. 
Southampton, Long Island, ii. 81. 
Southcot, Capt., i. 64. 
Southcote, Thomas, i. 10. 
Sow lawsuit, see Sherman vs. Keayne. 
Sowams, i. 76, 79, 86. 
Spanish ships attacked, i. 283. 
Spectacle Island, i. 258. 
Spot Pond, named, i. 73. 
Springfield, i. 288, 289 n. 
Squib, Capt., i. 50. 
Squidrayset, chief, i. 69. 
Stagg, Capt., ii. 183-187, 190, 200, 241, 

Stamford, Conn., ii. 57. 
Standish, Miles, i. 54, 78 n., 102; Nar- 

ragansett Indians, i. 76, 79; attacks 

the French, i. 159. 
Steele, John, i. 288. 
Stirling, Lord, i. 224; ii. 4, 35. 
Stocks, confinement in the, ii. 191-192. 
Stoddard, Anthony, ii. 40. 
Stone, Capt. John, i. 102, 108; killed, 

i. 118, 139-140; avenged, i. 186, 214, 


Stone, Rev. Samuel, i. 106, 111, 229. 

Story, George, ii. 64, 66, 118. 

Stoughton, Israel, i. 305; ii. 16, 229; 
opposes the magistrates, i. 147, 150; 
assistant, i. 215; expedition against 
the Pequots, i. 218, 225, 226, 230; 
death, ii. 253; mentioned, ii. 26, 70. 

Stoughton, William, i. 147 n. 

Strafford, Earl of, see Wentworth, Sir 

Stuyvesant, Gov. Peter, ii. 126 n., 330- 

Success, ship, i. 24, 51, 59. 

Sudbury, i. 308. 

Suffolk county formed, ii. 164 n. 

Summer Islands, see Bermudas. 

Swain, Mr., ii. 29. 

Swamscot, see Exeter, N. H. 

Swedes, Delaware settlements of, ii. 70; 
complaints against, ii. 141-142; re- 
lations with New Haven, ii. 160; stop 
a boat on Delaware River, ii. 181; 
fort burned, ii. 264. 

Sylvester, see Silvester, Richard. 

Symmes, Rev. Zechariah, i. 134, 144, 
176; ii. 339. 

Symonds, Samuel, ii. 39, 98. 

Synod of 1637, i. 232-235, 238, 239; of 
1643, ii. 138-139; of 1646, ii. 274, 
278-282; of 1647, ii. 324; of 1648, 
ii. 347-348. 

Talbot, ship, i. 24, 51. 

Talby, Dorothy, hanged, i. 282. 

Tarentines, tribe, i. 66. 

Taunton, i. 259; ii. 156 n. 

Taylor, Mr., of Lynn, ii. 20. 

Tecticutt, see Taunton. 

Thacher, Anthony, i. 156. 

Thacher's Woe, i. 156 n. 

Thames River, Conn., i. 191; ii. 275, 

Thanksgiving, i. 102; after the arrival 
of ships, i. 51, 59, 71; for Protestant 
successes, i. 82, 92; after the Pequot 
war, i. 238; for success of Parlia- 
ment, ii. 42. 

Thomas, master of the ship WiUiam and 
Francis, i. 80. 

Thomson, Maurice, i. 310. 

Thomson, Rev. William, see Tomson. 

Thornton, J. W., Historical Relations 
of New England to the English Com- 
monwealth, i. 4, 106 n. 



Three Turks' Heads, sighted, i. 48. 
Throgmorton, John, i. 57; ii. 138. 
Thunder, ship, i. 126. 
Tilley, John, i. 194. 
Tindal, see Tyndale. 
Tomson, Archibald, ii. 44. 
Tomson, Maurice, see Thomson. 
Tomson, Rev. William, i. 315, 325; ii. 

73, 94, 347. 
Training day, see Militia. 
Trask, Capt. William, i. 158. 
Trelawney, Robert, ii. 61. 
Trerice, Nicholas, i. 321. 
Trevore, master of the William, i. 99. 
Trial, ship, i. 24, 51; ii. 70, 92, 157, 245. 
Trinidad, ii. 132, 151. 
Trumbull, Jonathan, ii. 24 n. 
Tucker, agent of Rigby, ii. 158, 266-267. 
Turks, sea fight with, ii. 126-127. 
Turner, Mr., of Charlestown, ii. 55. 
Turner, John, ii. 55-56. 
Turner, Nathaniel, i. 186, 208; ii. 287. 
"Two Brothers," i. 270. 
Tyler, L. G., England in America, ii. 

163 n. 
Tyndale, Sir John, ii. 327. 
Tyndale, Margaret, see Winthrop, Mrs. 

Margaret Tyndale. 
Tyng, William, ii. 98. 

Uncas, chief, i. 271; ii. 254, 287; feud 
with Miantonomoh, ii. 76, 78, 80 n.; 
war with Sequasson, ii. 131-132, 
134-135; kills Miantonomoh, ii. 136; 
war with Pesecus, ii. 143, 157, 168- 
169, 204, 349-350; complaints against, 
ii. 327. 

Underbill, Capt. John, i. 52 n., 63, 69, 
78 n., 91, 168, 182, 195 n., 284 n.; ii. 
321 n.; Indians and, i. 90, 186-189, 
212; charges against, i. 240, 275- 
277, 308; ii. 12-14, 41-42; at Piscat- 
aqua, i. 280, 285, 295-296, 328-329; 
ii. 27-28; with the Dutch, ii. 57, 95, 
154, 161. 

United colonies, see Confederation of the 

Vane, Sir Henry, Jr., i. 161-162, 169; 
ii. 60, 224 n.; governor, i. 178, 180, 
305 n.; flag episode, i. 182; wishes to 
return to England, i. 201; defeated at 
election, i. 215; displeasure, i. 219; 
returns to England, i. 229; ii. 20 n., 

222 n., 335; befriends Boston men, 
ii. 256; see also Antinomian con- 

Vane, Sir Henry, Sr., i. 162. 

Van Twiller, Wouter, i. 109. 

Vassall, Samuel, ii. 283, 293. 

Vassall, William, i. 14; ii. 271, 339. 

Venn, Mr., i. 286. 

Vines, Richard, ii. 8, 85, 157-158, ISO; 
complains of La Tour, ii. 128-130. 

Vinton, John A., Antinomian Contro- 
versy of 1637, i. 243. 

Virginia, i. 76, 126, 185; ii. 21 n., 163; 
missionaries to, ii. 73; massacre in, 
ii. 167-168; sends to Boston for 
powder, ii. 194, 221. 

Virginia Company, i. 9. 

Voysye, ii. 272-273. 

Wabon, chief, ii. 319, 

Wachusett, see Princeton. 

Wages, regulation of, i. 112; ii. 24. 

Wahginnacut, chief, i. 61. 

Wakeman, Samuel, ii. 34. 

Waldron, William, ii. 288-289. 

Walford, Thomas, i. 9. 

Wall, Capt. John, ii. 246, 283. 

Waller, William, ii. 293, 338. 

Wannerton, Thomas, ii. 180. 

Ward, Rev. John, ii. 29, 262. 

Ward, Rev. Nathaniel, i. 145; ii. 20 n., 
131, 170; Simple C abler of Agga- 
wam, i. 145 n.; ii. 36 n.; prepares 
Body of Liberties, i. 323; ii. 49; 
preaches election sermon, ii. 36-37. 

Warde, Mr., ii. 54. 

Warham, John, i. 84, 136. 

Warner, Sir Thomas, ii. 92. 

Warwick, Earl of, i. 130,283; ii. 132, 163, 
283 n., 293, 294, 309, 335, 336, 338, 
340; sends a ship to Boston, ii. 151- 

Warwick, R. I., ii. 122 n., 334. 

Warwick, ship, i. 29, 54, 75, 76. 

Washose, chief, ii. 157. 

Wassamagoin, chief, ii. 160. 

Watertown, i. 73, 134 n., 218 n.; named, 
i. 52 n., church, i. .37, 66, 71, 83, 95; 
ii. 17; objects to a tax, i. 74r-75; 
builds a weir on Charles River, i. 76, 
86; has leave to move, i. 151. 

Way, Henry, i. 57, 66, 82. 

Weatherell, capt. of the Warwick, i. 29. 

Weathersfield, see Wethersfield. 



Welcome, ship, ii. 345-346. 

Welde, Joseph, ii. 256, 323. 

Welde, Rev. Thomas, i. 80, 84, 136, 142, 

242; ii. 72, 170 n., 222, 282, 323 n.; 

commissioner to England, ii. 25, 32, 70. 
Welden, Robert, i. 58. 
Wenham, ii. 179. 

Wentworth, Sir Thomas, i. 180; ii. 31. 
Wequash Cook, Indian, i. 238; ii. 69. 
Wessagusset, see Weymouth. 
West, Nicholas, i. 14. 
West India Co., see Dutch West India 

Western Islands, see Azores. 
Westfield, Conn., i. 288 n. 
Westminster Assembly, ii. 72 n. 
Weston, Thomas, i. 9, 50 n. 
Wethersfield, Indian attacks, i. 213, 

265-266; church controversy, i. 307. 
Weymouth, i. 9, 93 n., 94, 134 n., 218 n. ; 

named, i. 154; church, i. 258, 292; ii. 

Whale, ship, i. 24, 50, 59, 80, 82. 
Whalley, Edward, regicide, i. 223 n. 
Wharton, P., ii. 198. 
Wheelwright, Rev. John, i. 196, 213; 

ii. 14, 221, 285, 294; preaches, i. 211; 

banished, i. 239-240; released, ii. 122, 

165-167; see also Antinomian con- 
Whitcomb, Simon, i. 10. 
White, Rev. John, i. 10, 52. 
White, Peregrine, i. 81 n. 
White, William, i. 81 n. 
White Angel, ship, i. 65, 66, 331. 
White Mountains, ascent of, ii. 62-63, 

Whiting, Rev. Samuel, i. 199. 
Whiting, William, ii. 278. 
Whitmore, W. H., Colonial Laws of 

Mass., i.Z2Zn.; ii. 49 n. 
Wiggin, Thomas, i. 69, 99, 111, 131, 147, 

279, 295; Hocking episode, i. 137. 
Willard, Simon, i. 158 n. 
Willett, Thomas, i. 323. 
Wiliiam, ship, i. 99. 
William and Francis, ship, i. 24, 51, 80, 

William and Jane, ship, i. 100. 
Williams, Mr., of Dorchester, ii. 97. 
Williams, Francis, ii. 27. 
Williams, John, hanged, i. 235. 
Williams, Rev. Roger, i, 57, 150 n., 262; 

ii. 20 n.; at Plymouth, i. 62 n., 93; 

at Salem, i. 61-62, 112, 155, 157; 
teachings of, i. 116-117, 119, 149, 
179; trial, i. 142, 154; banished, i. 
162-163, 168; and the Indians, i. 
116-117, 119, 184-185, 187, 189 n., 
190, 193, 218, 221, 272, 273, 274; 
ii. 7, 96, 350; Key unto the Language 
of America, i. 193 n.; at Providence, 
i. 286, 297,309; ii. 53,228-229; secures 
Rhode Island charter, ii. 197-198; 
Blondy Tenent, ii. 198 n. 

Willip, of Exeter, ii. 345. 

Willis, John, drowned, i. 141. 

Willoughby, Francis, ii. 340. 

Wilson, Rev. John, i. 51, 84,91, 92, 93, 
110, 115, 137, 170, 283, 315, ii. 46; 
visits England, i. 60, 80, 145, 160, 164; 
pastor at Boston, i. 89, 95, 114, 116, 
119, 128; in the Pequot war, i. 217 n., 
218, 229; see also Antinomian con- 

Wilson, John, Jr., i. 312 n. 

Windsor, Conn., i. 213, 288 n. 

Winicowett, see Hampton, N. H. 

Winnisimmet, see Chelsea. 

Winslow, Gov. Edward, i. 81, 97, 103, 
128, 131, 163, 174, 213, 305; ii. 64, 
98, 317; commissioner to England, ii. 
295, 309, 311, 313-315, 316 n., 334- 
338; New England's Salamander dis- 
covered, ii. 339. 

Winthrop, Adam, grandfather of Gov. 
Winthrop, i. 5. 

Winthrop, Adam, son of Gov. Winthrop, 
i. 73. 

Winthrop, Deane, i. 121 n. 

Winthrop, Henry, i. 30, 51. 

Winthrop, Gov. John, ancestry, i. 5-7; 
in England, i. 8, 14; voyage, i. 26-50; 
chosen governor, i. 15, 63, 79,215, 270, 
302; ii. 58, 98, 268, 323, 339; chosen 
deputy-governor, ii. 169, 229; son 
drowned, i. 51; builds the Blessing 
of the Bay, i. 65; visits Salem, i. 69; 
explores Charles River, i. 73-74; 
visits Plymouth, i. 93-94; visits Nan- 
tasket, i. 98; visits Ipswich, i. 123; 
relations with Dudley, i. 77-79, 84- 
88, 113,170-172, 269-270; Short Story 
of the Rise, Reign, and Ruin of the An- 
ti7iomians, i. 80 n., 242-255; relations 
with Neal, i. 104; mild policy, i. 168- 
172; member of standing council, i. 
178, 305 n.; sergeants refuse to attend, 



i. 216, 220; letter to Hooker in Con- 
necticut, i. 290; differences with Bell- 
ingham, i. 321-322; financial losses, i. 
325; ii. 3-4; marries Mrs. Coytmore, 
ii. 70n.; sentiments towards America, 
i. 334; ii. 83-84; commissioner for 
confederation, ii. 98; speech on Sher- 
man versus Keayne, ii, 119-120; 
action in the Hingham case, ii. 231- 
236; acquitted, ii. 237; speech, ii. 
237-2.39; treatise on arbitrary gov- 
ernment,_ ii. 217-218, 241; see also 
Antinomian controversy. 

Winthrop, John, Jr., i. 70, 183; ii. 18, 
275, 327 n.; assistant, i. 79; founds 
Ipswich, i. 98, 99; governor of Conn., 
i. 161 ; in Ireland and Scotland, i. 104; 
sends a ship to Conn., i. 165, 166; goes 
to England, ii. 32; iron works of, ii. 

Winthrop, Mrs. Margaret Tyndale, i. 6, 
70, 121; death, ii. 327. 

Winthrop, Stephen, i. 120-121; ii. 250. 

Winthrop, William, i. 90. 

Winthrop's Journal, preservation of the 

MSS., i. 15-18, 191; ii. 11 n., 208 n.; 

editions, i. 16-19. 
Witch, first, executed in Connecticut, ii. 

323; in Massachusetts, 344-345. 
Wither, Mr., i. 176. 
Witheridge, Mr., i. 156. 
Woburn, i. 86 n., ii. 88. 
Wollaston, Mount, i. 9, 90, 190, 197; 

church, i. 310, 315, 325. 
Woodbridge, John, ii. 262. 
Woodhouse, Capt., i. 135. 
Wren, ship, i. 238. 
Wright, Richard, i. 82. 

Yale, David, ii. 271. 
Yale, Elihu, ii. 225. 
Yarmouth, i. 266, 293, 308. 
Yates, master of the Bird, i. 107. 
York, Me., i. 46, 129; ii. 8 n., 99. 
Young, Capt., of IMaryland, i. 132. 
Young, Alexander, Chronicles of Massa- 
chusetts, i. 156 n. 
Young, Sir John, i. 10. 




General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D. 


Each volume octavo, cloth-bound, about 450 pages 
$3.00 net. Postage extra 

Each with Full Imlex, Maps and Facsimile Reproductions 

The Northmen, Columbus, and Cabot, 985-1503 

Edited by Jcliu.s E. Olsox, Professor of the Scandinavian Languages and Liter- 
atures in the University of Wisconsin, and Edward Gaylord Bourne, Ph.D., 
Professor of History in Yale University. 

The Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1 528-1 543 

Edited by Frederick W. Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, and 
Theodore H. Lewis, of St. Paul. 

Early English and French Voyages, Chiefly Out of Hakluyt, 1 534-1 608 

Edited by the Rev. Dr. Henry S. Burr.\ge, of the Maine Historical Society. 

Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, 1604-1618 

Edited by W. L. Grant, M.A. (Oxon.), Beit Lecturer on Colonial History in the 
University of O.xford. 

Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625 

Edited by Lyon Gardiner Tyler, LL.D., President of the College of William and 

Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation, 1 606-1 646 

Edited by William T. Davis, Formerly President of the Pilgrim Society. 

Winthrop's Journal (History of New England), 2 vols., 1630-1649 

Edited by Dr. James K. Hosmer, Corresponding Member of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society and of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts. 



Narratives of New Netherland. 

Edited by Dr. J. F. Jameson. 

Johnson's Wonder -Working Providence of Sion's Savior in New England 

Edited by Dr. J. F. Jameson. 

Narratives of Early Maryland. 
Narratives of Early Carolina. 
Narratives of Early Pennsylvania. 
Narratives of the Indian and French Wars. 

Narratives of the Witchcraft Persecution. 

Edited by Professor George L. Burr, of Cornell University. 

The Explorers of the Mississippi Valley. 
The Insurrections of 1688. 


From the Preface of the General Editor, "Dr. J, P. Jamejon : 

" At its annual meeting in December, 1902, the American Historical Association 
approved and adopted the plan of the present series, and the undersigned was chosen as 
its general editor. The purpose of the series was to provide individual readers of his- 
tory, and the libraries of schools and colleges, with a compreliensive and well-rounded 
collection of those classical narratives on which the early history of the United States 
is founded, or of those narratives which, if not precisely classical, hold the most im- 
portant place as sources of American history anterior to 1700. 

"The plan contemplates, not a body of extracts, but in general the publication or 
republication of whole works or distinct parts of works. In the case of narratives 
originally issued in some other language than English, the best available translations 
will be used, or fresh versions made. The English texts will be taken from the earliest 
editions, or those having the highest historical value, and will be reproduced with literal 
exactness. The maps will be such as will give real help toward understanding the events 
narrated in the volume. The special editors of the individual works will supply intro- 
ductions, setting forth briefly the author's career and opportunities, when known, the 
status of the work in the literature of American history, and its value as a source, and 
indicating previous editions; and they will furnish such annotations, scholarly but 
simple, as will enable the intelligent reader to understand and to estimate rightly 
the statements of the text." 

George 3. Adams, 'Ph.'D., l.Ut.'D.. Trofeaaor of History in yale Uni- 
•Oerjity and Tresident o_f the American Historical Association : 

"I feel like congratulating you heartily on the impression which I am sure the 
volumes already published of the ' Original Narratives of Early American History ' 
must make on all who examine them. They seem to me admirably done both from 
the editorial and the publisiiiag side, and likely to be of constantly increasing usefulness 
to students, schools, and libraries, as time goes on." 


Charles M. Andretuj. Th.Ti., "Professor of Hislory, Johns HopKjns 

Un i-Ce rs ily : 

"The series is one of unquestioned importance in that it contains complete texts 
selected with excellent judgment of narratives valuable to every student and reader of 
American history. The series for this reason will always stand on a higher level than 
the ordinary source book, and will appeal to a much wider range of persons interested. 
Its value grows with each volume issued, not only because the amount of valuable text 
material is thereby increased, but also because the later volumes contain reprints of 
rarer and more indispensable narratives. Such reprints will be especially serviceable 
for class use where valuable originals could not be placed in the hands of students, and 
will be important additions to the libraries of small colleges which cannot afford 
generally to purchase rare and expensive texts." 

FranK H. Hodder, "Ph.M., "Professor of American Hislory, Uni-Oersily 
of K.ansas : 

" Of the set as a whole I may say that it is indispensable to any library of American 
history, and the smaller the library, the more indispensable it is, as in a very large 
library the subject-matter may be found in original editions and reprints, but in a 
small library this is out of the question. Even in the largest library the set will be 
useful in saving scarce and valuable editions in ordinary student use." 

Albert "Bushnelt Hart, Professor of History in Harvard Uni-Cersily and 
First Vice-President of the American Historical Association : 

"I have felt great interest in the series since its inception, and it is likely to be of 
considerable service to scholars, and particularly to libraries which can no longer find 
originals at the price within their means." 

Maje Farrand, Ph.H., Professor of History, Stanford Unitfersity : 

"The narratives chosen, the scholarly editing of those narratives, and the form in 
which they are presented, combine to render this an unusually good .series. You have 
rendered a genuine ser\'ice to American scholarship by thus placing within reach of 
every one, and in a serviceable form, documents which have hitherto been more or less 
inaccessible or unusable. The series is one which every student of American history 
must use, and he should have access to it either in his own library or in the library from 
which he draws his material." 

William MacDonald, Ph.D., LL.T)., Professor of American History 
in "Brotitn Uni-Oersity : 

"For all historical study beyond the most elementary, the systematic and extended 
use of the sources is of course indispensable. The output of documentary material for 
the American Colonial Period has been these twenty years past very considerable, 
although vast quantities of significant documents still exist only in manuscript. In the 
field of narrative sources, however, republication has been far less frequent, and the 
scarcity of these originals, together with the high prices which copies command, have 
made it practically impossible for students who do not have access to the largest 
libraries to make more than occasional or incidental use of this kind of historical 

"If the volumes of 'Original Narratives' thus far published are a sufficient indication 
— as I have no doubt they are — of what the series will be as a whole, a great gap in 
valuable material for the study of American origins will be worthily filled. 

"The editorial work of the volumes shows a commendable union of care and restraint. 
The introductions both of the general editor and of the editors of the several volumes 
are sufficient without being too long, while the explanatory foot-notes are kept well 
within bounds. Mechanically, the volumes are well made, open easily in the hand, and 
are issued at a price which puts them within the reach of libraries and individuals of 
modest means. 


" A series so well vouched for on the editorial side can need little commendation from 
other quarters, for the volumes are their own best commendation. As a teacher of 
American history to college classes, however, I am always glad to find valuable material 
for student use increase, and the ' Original Narratives ' deserve, and I hope will receive, 
a cordial reception and a generous use." 

Worthin^ton C. Ford, Chief of "Di-Oijion of Manujcriptj, Library of 
Congress, Washington, "D. C: 

" I look upon it as one of the best series undertaken to encourage the study of Ameri- 
can history. Not only is the original plan rarely intelligent, but the individual volumes 
prove the care and critical capacity of each editor. The volumes are not only our 
source books of American history, but they are also readable and in such convenient 
form that they should be in every library, and used as text books in the teaching of 

Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, in the Jiorth American "Re-Oietco : 

"In this volume on 'The Northmen, Columbus, and Cabot,' and as the prospectus 
indicates, in its successors, the selection could not be improved. Judging from this 
volume alone, it may also be said that nothing could be better than the editing. We 
have the best texts accompanied by brief but clear introductions, and explained by 
notes which are sufficient to guide and instruct and not sufficient to puzzle and encum- 
ber. In each case a short list of authorities is given which will direct those who wish 
to pursue their inquiries upon any one of the three subjects in the way in which they 
should go, to find all the sources and the last works of modern research and antiquarian 
learning. The selection and editing could not in fact have been better done for the 
purpose which the editors had in view. 

"If any one wishes to wrestle with the endless questions and controversies of the 
Columbian voyages, it is easy to plunge into the countless books upon the subject. 
Meantime the general reader, little concerned with dates and identification of places, 
but profoundly interested in the fact of America's discovery, can find in these letters 
and journals the man himself, and live over with him the triumph, one of the greatest 
ever won, and the tragedy, one of the most piteous ever endured. 

"After all, there is nothing better than this that history can do for us, and very few 
histories can do it quite so well as an original narrative with all its errors and imper- 
fections on its head, if we are only fortunate enough to possess one which has both 
literary quality and real human feeling." 


The American Library Association 'RooK. List says of " fiarrati-Ces 
of Early Virginia" : 

" A careful edition of the most readable original narratives having to do with the 
early history of Virginia. No better introduction to the use of source material could 
be given, and the general reader of history will find these accounts more fascinating 
than the latest historical novel. They should be found in every library that can afford 
to purchase them." 

For Fuller Information, send to the Publishers 


153-157 Fifth Avenue, New York 


3 5^25 ooasi Ol?\ 





2 . pp^' 


^t) lyd/ 


2 9 1997 





APR 1 1 1990 


JAH 3 1 




2 8 1996